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Leader (1850-1860), 28th December 1850, Edition Town of 2, Page 944, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      ( Bntnynn Mtmnttati ) , AND ITS OFFICIAL ACTS . tlis page is accorded to an authentic Exposition of the pinions and Acts of the Democracy of Europe : as such e do not impose any restraint on the -utteranc * of 3 iru . oii ., and . therefore , limit our own responsibility to ie authenticity of the statement . THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY .

      . The Revolution and the Present Condition of Parties and of the Nation . On the 19 th of March , 1848 , the King of Prussia roclaimed the election , of a National Assembly , " on he largest Democratic basis . " The Assembly was lected , and met in Berlin , " to enact the fundalental law of Prussia . " tne time auonai ^ Lssemuiy mr

      AX same ax > uw nany was elected on a similar basis by the whole German nation , and met at Frankfort-on-the-Main . lach German Government , and even the Diet of 'rankfort , professed to recognize " the supreme leislative power of that National Assembly . " Under the influence of the alarm occasioned by the imultaneous revolutionary movements of Europe , lie Kins : of Prussia , and other German princes ,

      projssed to grant more than royalty could honestly in-Hid permanently to concede ; a premonitory sympom from the first of their subsequent perfidy , which s immorally defended and excused by some , but rhich cannot now be denied . They granted more than their peoples were preiared wisely to use and to secure ; for the revolution a Germany at first raised to popular power the only rell-organized Liberal party , that constitutional tarty of which we spoke last week , which neithe iriginated nor sprang from the revolution , which wa , Lot imbued with its tendencies and principles , nor ,

      tonsequently , capable ot conducting it to success . Che policy in which this party had been educated vas that of extorting partial reforms by the fear of evolution . That policy was clearly only applicable o a time in which revolution , being still only in prospect , the Kings might be induced to concessions br the sake of avoiding it , and bound to the faithful

      > bservance of them by the same motive , me revoiu-; ion having broken out , compromise might have been i rational policy , if the world ' s history had not long igo shown that the words of princes are no sufficient juarantee for the liberties of their subjects ; but with ' he bad faith of the royal houses , of which a knowedge of human nature ought to have forewarned

      ; he constitutional party , compromise vas to divest and destroy the revolution itself , and ; o secure nothing for the people ; for the mere selfish loliey of the Kings could no longer be to avoid a langer which had already arrived , but to defeat it . This reasoning was not then understood by the 3 onstutioiml party . They obtained a mnjority in the isscmblies of both Berlin and Frankfort . And one if the first resolutions of the Berlin Assembly , tbandoning the i > rinciple of popular sovereignty , was o declare that the representatives of the people had

      lot to enact of themselves the fundamental law ot the lountry , but to make a compact , a bargain ( eine verassung au vereinburcn ) with the king . The Frankfort National Assembly did , indeed , proosseuly proceed to emict tho fundamental law for Jermany , for it was hopeless to concoct a bargain vith thirty-four royal and princely houses ; but they ihobc an Austrian Archduke as provisional chief of

      ; he empire , and despatched the forces under their jommand against every popular movement in the smaller states . From that moment a bitter fooling pervaded the lalion . Anew revolution became necessary to rej omjuer the rights professedly conceded under the nfhient'O of tho first . Tho Democratic party , whose ) rg ! ini / .: xtiou and strength as a party had yielded to

      Untitled Article

      ^ - * » w vvv * v * r ** * w * r- ^* J **• v * p *»***^* % •** K ^^ VJIVM \ J +. \* A Alt ( 4 Democracy in 1848 , it is now united in its objects it possesses chiefs of political experience and trie character ; and it comprehends three-fourths of tl nation . It is agreed in desiring the unity of th nation and the destruction of the ruling dynasties . ' is agreed in seeking to realize the sovereignty of tl people by the reestablishment of Universal Suffrage Recognizing the principle in this practical form , if accomplished a revolution in Prussia , it wouldretur to the National Assembly dismissed by the King b force of arms in 184 S ; if in Germany , it would revei to the Parliament dissolved at Stuttgardt in 1845 after the failure of the 13 th of June at Paris .

      j . ne political question , national unity , popuia liberty , and the Republic , is the question in German ; — Social theories differ , and are the origin of differin schools , as in France ; with an instructed , a thinking and a speculative and philosophizing people , it can not be otherwise . But there is this great differenc < between the two countries , that Germany has thirty four princes to overthrow , tho national unity to ac complish , and tho Republic to obtaia ; in fact , oru stage of the political question to go through , befori social tneones oecoine out suoorcimati

      can anyuung a question in tho public mind . itairiathtt ^ rngtt&L . » . ¦ - WORKING ASSOCIATIONS OF PARIS . FitATEiiNAii Association op Cooks . —This association is situated in the Rue du Faubourg St Denis , No . 2 'd , on the ground floor of the court , under the Tailors' Association , where Proudhou had his Banque du Peuple . I have frequently seen in

      trie morning aoout tnirty poor persons outside receiving portions of soup distributed to them by these honest and charitable working-men : during th < winter , when work is scarce , they feed a hundred persons daily with soup who would starve but fo : this truly noble instance of charity among the poorand these are the people who are calumniated by the friends of " order " ! The Cooks op tub Baiuueue du Maine , on the south side of the river , are one of the oldest anc most flourishing of these associations . They give soup daily to more than 200 persons , and one

      year they gave away 300 portions of soup every day . They have lost by breakage and otherwise 1000 plates and as many glasses . Each member gains from forty to two hundred francs a month ; were it not for the great sacrifices they make to assist their poorer brethren , they might bo gaining more than two hundred francs a month each . TllK FUATEUNAL ASSOCIATION OF COFFEE-HOUSE IvKEruus ( Association Fraternelle des Lemo 7 iadiers ) , in the Rue de Roule , No . 3 , near tho Louvre , has a branch ? stabli . shmeritintheFaubourg St . Martin , No . 22 , c » llc d La France Nouvolle . The elegant design and workmanship of the bronze fountains in the Faubourg . St . Martin are stamped with tbo name of the manufao » _ _ _ <_ A _ ^_ A * 1 * d ^ ^ m f ^ -. « « % 4 t m j *^ Hfc 4 ^ L I F taA jkta - ^ m _> m k __ ] «~ »_ - Jl £ n . 1 « fc 4 I ^^

      14 1 1-4 Of V 4 tV A ^ t 7 ^ VV « ltbiv' 4 4 i W * - * lji VJ l « liVtl , i )?( +-Mm i * fc-fc * w > nssagc , ov « r tho entrance of which was the usual riangular mason ' s level , indicating a fraternal assoliation , leads to tho coffee-room , a spacious chamber , ibout thirty or forty foot square , filled with orderly , * These fountains occur at every fifty yards on both sWlt ' H the ' nubourir : they are about ton feel in Ju ; i « -ht , and t'u <; li o < »

      Untitled Article

      xjie party 01 concession , us ponuy , juiue * the princes . At the Gotha meeting , which tool place shortly after the dissolution of the Nationa Assembly at Stuttgardt in June , 1849 , the Constitutional , Gagern , or GotJia party , as they have beei variously called , gave up the very constitution -whicl they themselves had enacted as the majority in thi Frankfort Assembly . Afterwards they joined Manteuffel and Radowitz at Erfurt in the attempt to fornr a Prussian Union , They deserted the revolution ; thej lost their political influence , their character , anc

      almost thfir existence as a party . The want of unity and organization of the Demo cratic party in the first instance contributed to th < success of the counter revolution . It was divide * into Royalist , Republican , and Social Democrats . Th ' words "Royalist Democrats " seem to imply a con tradiction , and at least require explanation . Th < Royalist Democrats , existing only in Prussia , w < should call Constitutionalists in England , for thei theory was to deprive royalty of all real power anc influenceand to eovern . as in this countryby Par

      , , liamentary majorities . They were not called Con stitutionalists in Prussia , because that title hac already been bestowed upon a previously existing party , the Gotha party , whose constitutional schemt was not to govern by Parliaments under a monarch cal form of government , but to effect a compromisi in the division of real power between prince anc people . In the month of October , 1848 , the Democrats

      party , united as a majority at Berlin , voted Unruh into the chair as president , and Waldeck as vicepresident of the Assembly . Waldeck and Unruh with Jacoby , Reichenbach , Semme , and others , wer < the leaders of the Royalist Democrats who woulc have accorded to the King of Prussia a constitutional Tjosition similar to that of our monarchs . The kinc

      might have called them to power , they would have been supported by all German patriots , would have United the nation and realized its liberties ; he chose a different course , and turned out the National Assembly by military force . Thus the King of Prussia himself converted Royalists into Republicans , and Constitutionalists into

      house a majority of three-fourths of the constituencies of the kingdom . The first electoral law of Prussia under the revolution had been that of equal and universal suffrage , a new electoral law , conferring unequal votes on different classes of the population , "was now octroyedin the old form of a Cabinets ordve . The Democratic party , under the advice of their committee , abstained from voting ; but they published the number of electors , thus abstaining from the vote in every part of the kingdom , and proved that they amounted to three-fourths of the population . The new Assembly was elected by the

      court party ai ; d the Constitutionalists alone , and was called the Minority ' s Chamber ( Minoi'itat « -Kammer ) . The tale of Prussia , repeated with more cruelty , more bloodshed , and more reckless perfidy , is essentially that of Austria . Throughout all Germany the effect is the same ; the revolution of 1848 , and the perfidy of the reigning houses has created and organized one great national democratic party ; Germany has played its part in the great revolutionary » arac which was to resolve Europe into two great

      camps—Cossack and Republican . It may bo well to name some of the leading men sf the German Democratic party at Frankfort , in Uaden , and Saxony . In tho Frankfort Assembly tho leading Democrats were , Blum ( shot nt Vienna ) , Huge , Triltzschler f shot ) , L . Simon von TrGves , Loewe von Calvo , II . Simon von Breslau , Voigt , and Ravcaux . The three ast wore eluded , to an executive committee of all jrermauy by the short-lived Parliament at Stuttgardt . At tho head of the liadtsh insurrection were [ Ieclccr , Struve , Blind , Urentaux , ( ioogg , and others . The leaders of the insurrection in Saxony were

      Lhat ot u \ e , npguu unu - ? anixc themselves more closely under the defeat which a policy of compromise was entailing on the jeople . They were obliged to accept the situation lowevor hopeless , and to commence a struggle when , he best trhunces of success were already gone . They ¦ angod themselves in absolute hostility to the Conititutionalists ; they obtained a majority in the 3 erlin Assembly and endeavoured , though unsucjcssfully , there by legislative- enactments , and in Frankfort and Vienna by insurrection , to defend the / "i \ rr » w > ifrnt . V <» f tllO llOOnlc .

      Ieubner ( since impri&omHl ) , Todt , Zschirner , and 3 akuinnc ( ti Russian emigrant , since imprisoned ) . Tho Prussian opposition has the advantage of not ) cing banished from the country . Constitutionalists arc now , as a popular parly , no nore ; Royalist Democrats have hurrenderod their topes of teaching real constitutionalism to Prussia ' s ing , and are merged in the great Republican or ^ . n ti Royalist Democratic party . The popular

      bug uuuuu . anu to tne new -tloly Alliani of the kings , and that new Holy Alliance is no long a union of independent monarchs for a common po ] tical object , but it is a league dominated and guide by the immense powers , the obstinate tradition policy of aggandizement , and the secret and corru machinations of Russia . la Germany the peopi have become Republicans ; the monarchs , wheth

      they will or no , are being drawn within the toils i the Cossack . To keep down their subjects , whom they have coi verted into their enemies , they have armed the peop against the people . But they are on the horns of dilemma ; they cannot permanently keep up the enormous armaments ; if they attempt it they haste the period of a recommencement of revolution ; if the HisTianrl f / hfir nrmipa . tlnr * v rlietvilmf-e ammntrct- *\ 4 k |«« 1 7 (/ Mb UlOMAVUd / CiA £ / U&L

      UIOVUUU V , A ^^» > A *^| , » ZVO (/ 1 . 1 masses of the people a disciplined and military at really hostile population , which it was most easy 1 control by keeping it under the discipline of arm regulation . The Badish , the Hessian , the Hungaria : and even the Prussian and Austrian army , have the martyrs on the battle-field and the scaffold , and a ] penetrated by the influences and by the spiritof 184 The former appear themselves to dread the results < a defensive policy , and to be uneasily anxious to er gage in some armed action , or some aggressive polic ;

      Untitled Article

      944 © f ) £ ! t £ 3 iret % [ Saturday , r - — - . . . _^___ _____^_ _^_______^_______^___________— — .

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 28, 1850, page 944, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1863/page/7/