Current:

Leader (1850-1860), 1st May 1858, Edition 1 of 2, Page 422

Page 422
Page 14
14 of 24

On this page

  • Text (3)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      The Elections In Pauis. Yj:Rv Little Ins...

      thousand electors refusing to vote . lathe other , there was no return ; for the Government candidate , though be had most votes , had not one clear half . We must ; remember that MM . Liouville and Picard were totally unknown to the electors ^ until their names were posted on the walls . Not a single person ventured to say a single word in explanation of who they were , or what were their principles . Tieir nameson . sheets of blue paper decorated a few

      pieces of dean wall . Nothing else whatever was done to secure their election . On the contrary , nearly all the Republican chiefs who formed the committees to discuss what was to lie done , laboured for the last week in favour of abstention . The Opposition straggled irregularly and partially to the poll , not knowing what to do . They suffered a defeat in one place , and made a drawn tattle in the other . The fact that Jules Favre defended Orsini

      ensured his election in the . Faubourg St . Antome . He had little else to plead in his favour ; but this was enough . Some people may affect to be surprised . or shocked . Yet , what other result could have been expected ? If Orsini had expiated his crime alone , he might by this time have been almost forgotten . But the Government , in the blindness of anger and fear , determined to make the whole of France responsible for the crime of a foreign fanatic and his accomplices . It gagged the press more effectually than before ; and . introduced a law which enables them to transport all Oppositionists by

      wholesale . How many individuals have really suffered will perhaps never be known until the lieavy cloud of despotism which covers France is rolled away . The victims , however , may even now be counted by thousands . It is clear , then , that the Government onl y is to blame for inducing the French workmen and liberals generally , to make common cause with Orsini . They were punished for his offence , and naturally sympathize with his fate . No doubt the election of Jules 3 ? avre is a dangerous svnmtom . It means that under

      all circumstances the Parisian population are resolved to continue in opposition to the Empire , and that they are ready to absolve any crime which shall deliver them from it . "Well , our neighbours know their own sufferings best . It is useless to reason with them , and preach lessons of morality to them . All we can do is to note the signs of the times , so that our readers may not be deluded into the belief that IVance is absorbed in indignation against England for acquitting Bernard , whilst in reality it has done its best to ratify that acquittal .

      4,221 The Leader. [Flo. 423, Ma^Mggj.^

      4 , 221 THE LEADER . [ flo . 423 , MA ^ Mggj . ^

      A Sabdinia. On The Danube. This Question...

      A SABDINIA . ON THE DANUBE . This question is to be brought before Parliament ne ^ t Tuesday , by a man well fitted for the task . Mr . Gladstone—whose purest fame rests on his exposure of Neapolitan oppression—is to move a resolution in favour of the union of the Principalities . To explain the present position of the subject , we must go back a little . At the Paris Conferences , Count . Walcwski said that " as the union of the two Provinces satisfies the requirements brought to light by an attentive investigation into their true interests , the Congress

      should admit and proclaim it . " Lord Clarendon said that he " shared and supported this opinion , relying specially on the utilit y and expediency of taking into serious consideration the wishes of the people , which it is always right , " he added , " to take into account . " ( Protocol No . 6 , March 8 . ) These opinions Lord Clarendon surrendered in his subsequent diplomacy . He consented to concur with lurkcy and Austria in their opposition to any strong constitutional state oh their frontiers . This opposition—natural enough in two despotic powers more or less decrcpid—is backed by two arguments more or less unfounded . It is said that the union would affect the integrity of Turkey . But the Principalities arc not Turkey ; they arc

      frontier appanages of the Sultan ' s regality , and have had for years their own liberal institutions . To unite them is onl y to give them a better way of developing for their own good the institutions they now work without interference from any Turkish authority . It is as much « , matter of intornal improvement as an application by an English county to incorporate its divisions for the facilitation of fiscal business . The second argument is , that we should oppose tlio union because llussin supports it . In a doubtful case it ; might bo well to regard with increased suspicion any proposal hacked up by liussia ; but in grave plain matters of fad the policy is rather childish . A little consideration detects the motives of " Russian diplomacy in this question . Smarting from the war , Russia

      supported any , proposition likely to annoy Turkey Bat . before the war Nicholas said to Sir Hamilton Seymour ,, in his . private unreserved conversation : — "I will not have the Principalities made into a Sardinia on the Danube—a refuge for the Kossuths and Mazzinis . ' This was the true wish of Hussia , and we defeat it by encouraging the erection of an independent state on the Danube . Honest sympathy with constitutional freedom is best

      for ourselves in the long run . The old school ot politicians spent all their energies in supporting Austria , as the bulwark of Europe against Russia ; a newer school saw in constitutional states the best antagonism to Russian poweiv The Crimean war tested both policies : Austria was neutral , Sardinia fought by our side . The following are the tei-ins of Mr . Gladstone ' s motion : — .

      " That an liunibleaddresabe presented toner Majesty , to submit to her Majesty that this House , bearing iu mind the obligations imposed by the Treaty of Paris , so far as they affect the Danubian Principalities , has observed with satisfaction the general tenor and spirit of the declaration recorded by h « t Majesty ' s Chief Plenipotentiary at the Conferences of 1856 , concerning the future organization of those territories ; and humbly to convey to her Majesty the earnest hope of this House , that , in the farther prosecution , of this important subject , ust weight may be given to those "wishes of the people of Wallachia and of Moldavia ^ vhich , through their representatives , elected in conformity with the said treaty , they have recently expressed . "

      It will be seen that Mr . Gladstone thus endorses the opinion which Lord Clarendon expressed at the Paris Conference , but which he and Xiord Palrnerstou subsequently abandoned .

      Scottish Manchis-Es. On Thursday, The 6t...

      SCOTTISH mANCHIS-ES . On Thursday , the 6 th of May , Air . Caird , the member for Dartmouth , is to move a very important resolution with respect to the Scottish Franchises . It is to the effect that Scotland is entitled to a franchise equivalent to the forty-shilling freehold franchise of England and Wales . The proposal is one in which Englishmen will most cheerfull y acquiesce , and we are glad to see the people of Scotland taking practical steps to assimilate their electoral rights to those enjoyed in the South , in place of fiercely discussing the angle at which the unicorn ' s tail should be raised in the national ensign .

      To show the importance of Mr . Caird's resolution to the Liberal cause in the sister kingdom , we propose to explain the present electoral system of Scot land , and the benefits which an extension of the forty-shilling- franchise would confer . It is of importance to notice that the resolution cannot fairly be met by any plea for delay , urged by Government on the ground of a promised Reform Bill , as the resolution is only expressive of an opinion which Government will be expected to adopt in framing the Scotch Bill . The only franchises among our northern neighbours are a ten-pound

      property and fifty-pound occupancy qualification for counties , and ten-pound property or occupancy for burghs . There is nothing whatever corresponding ' to the forty-shilling freehold franchise , and for electoral purposes burghs arc declared to be not within but out of the counties . The counties also , unlike England , return the majorit y of members ; so that with the high county franchise , the influence of the burghs carefully excluded in county elections , and the counties possessing a majority of members over the burghs ( the numbers being thirt y to twentythree ) , a preponderance of the legislative power of Scotland is left in the Uunds of the landed interest .

      In the county of Mid-Lothian , for example , although it contains within it actually , if not politically , the burghs of Edinburgh , Ijcith , Portobello , and Musselburgh , tlie thriving town of Dalkcith , and numerous populous villages , the Duke of Buccl / eugh no sooner had a son npo for legislative honours than ho issued his behests , : md the sitting member . Sir Geougb Cliuuc , retired , while the Earl of I ) alkbitii , without a contest or a murmur , took his sent . The results of tlic present Scottish political system arc otherwise , also , sufficiently remarkable .

      has a population , of . 5303000 , and only 3126 electors . The four English counties and divisions of counties of East and North Yorkshire , Cheshire , Devonshire , and Staffordshire , possess each an average population of 528 , 000 , or very nearly the same as Lanarkshire , while the average number of electors in each is 17 , 995 . With these facts before us , it is not wonderful , to find that an association has been formed in Scotland for the purpose of obtaining an assimilation to the English franchises . The great difference betwixt the proportion of electors to population iu the two countries does not arise from difference of

      wealth , because in the special example we have given of the county of Lanark , there can be no doubt that it is , if anything-, more flourishing than the counties . with . which we contrasted it . The disproportion arises from the want iu Scotland of the forty-shilling franchise , and from the manner in which proprietors within burghs are shut out from the county qualification . Not only arc the small proprietors betwixt forty shillings and tea pounds entirely excluded from the franchise ,, whether the properties lie within or without burghs , but an in * dividual might possess half the city of Glasgow and

      still not be privileged to vote as an elector of the county of Lanark . It is difficult with our English ideas to think of a commoner possessing the income of . the Marquis of Westminster from property within burgh , and still not be nul lified to vote in tho county of Middlesex ; but so it is in Scotland . And even this is only a small part of the injustice under which the burghs of Scotland labour , \ vhcu compared with England . The gross number of English county electors exceeds that of tho burghs by nearly 100 , 000 , notwithstanding which the burgh members more than twice outnumber those for the counties .

      It is quite proper that such a preponderance should exist in the Lower House , as the House of Lords is in reality composed of members who more especially represent county interests . But in Scotland , with a total of burgh electors as nearly as possible corresponding to the number of voters for counties ( 49 , 668 and 49 , 537 ) , the burghs return seven members less than the counties . In England , again , there is one member for 22 , 07-1 of the burgh population ; iu Ireland , one member to 22 , 512 ; but in Scotland , only one member to 49 , 390 of her burgh population . The mere extension of the forty-shilling freehold system would not , of course , remedy an injustice of this latter nature ; but it is surely a strong argument why at least that modicum of reform ought

      to be granted , of permitting the possessors of property within burghs to qualify as comity electors , wherever the properties arc not those upon which they are registered as burgh voters . It would be a mere extension north of the Tweed of a right which , has existed in England from time immemorial , because to the clear practical eye of Englishmen , while the county was plainly notcontaincdwithin the burgh ; the burgh was undoubtedly within the county , and very frequently conferred upon the county lands their greatest value . A parliamentary return has recently been issued which shows that in England and Wales 95 , 471 out of 50-1 , 065 comity electors arc registered upon properties within cities and boroughs which themselves return members to Parliament . The whole of tins numerous class of

      proprietors arc disfranchised iu the Scottish counties ; so much so , that the wealthy and populous city of Glasgow possesses no more influence or control over the election for the county of Lanark ,, in which it is situated , than it possesses over the election for Middlesex . Sir E . Colcbrooke , not an extreme Liberal , was returned for the county by a . narrow majority ; and it is generally believed that if a new contest \ verc to take place , Mr . Baillic Cocln-anc , whoso views arc pretty well known , would carry the election . An extension of the freehold system to Scotland would remedy such an anomalous state of things , although it is just possible that Sir E . Colcbrooke and others of his class will have the suicidal follv to use their inlluencc against Mr . Caird ' s resolution . .

      The Scotch movement to obtain the forty-shilr ling freehold franchise is opposed chiefly b ' y the old Edinburgh Whigs , from the notion , apparently , that it would cither increase the power of the Coiir scrvatives , or the power of tho people—they don'L know very well which—but in any point of view they believe it would militate against Whiggery , pure and imdeliltxl . That is the secret spring of their opposition , but the argument publicly " put forward is that there aro no irceholds in Scotland . It is quite true that the tenure of land is so far dill ' cnsnl , from Mio freehold of England , that there still subsists in Scotland u feature of tho feudal system which was abolished hereby the iirsl

      EAThe population of the counties of England and " Wales is in round numbers 10 , 500 , 000 , and of the Scottish counties , 1 , 75 : 5 , 000 . The number of county electors in England and Wales is upwards of 500 , 000 ; in Scotland , only 49 , 1 ) 1 * 7 , and this number includes many dead and disqualified persons , as there is no registration act for Scotch counties , and the registers are in a most disgraceful state . Scotland ought to have 88 , 000 county olccl-ora , comparing her comity population with that of England and Wales . Or to take a more limited example . The county of Lanark

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), May 1, 1858, page 422, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/ldr_01051858/page/14/