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    dition involving the most contradictory ...

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    * "L<V Dtfmooriiilo." Vox Mtjonno Vftoho...

    whicbi underwit , " order can be preserved , made generally familiar . Had the French possesse such a knowledge at the epoch of their first revolution , how different and glorious for humanity might haye been its results . Everyday the ascendancy of the democracy is growingsevery day jt is becoming more assured ; and the writer who ' " so ' , prepares society for the inevitable as to make it also the beneficial , deserves the gratitude of mankind . M . Vacherot claims some merit for his method of treating the subject , none for any new discoveries .. He defines democratic society , adverts to the moral , religious , social , and economic

    conditions of its existence ; discusses communism , centralization , the rights of the State and of the people , and the different necessary branches of a democratic government , in a very orderly manner . The great question , " Where are we to find the true line of demarcation between the duties of the State and of individuals ? " is now , as it was in Burke ' s time , quite unsettled . In a democracy , where all men are equal and all are free , the difficulty of ascertaining this line is at the maximum . ISTo such society has ever , to our knowledge , existed ; and for it , thus defined , a Q overnment has yet to be imagined and created . The State as we know it , the army , the

    administration of the law , the institution of a police , an established church , a system of public education by universities , high schools , & . c , are all creatures of , and inseparably connected in our minds with , the monarchical or old feudal form of government . They all recognise a lower or slave class , to be instructed , drilled , and kept obedient ; and such a class can have no possible existence in a thorough democracy . Its essential characteristic is entire and perfect equality . Old and young , skilful and awkward , clever and stupid , wise and foolish , with relative degrees of abundance , or case , must exist in every society ; and how these may

    coexist in perfect submission to the general opinion , freely and equally expressed by all—or in submission to the general physical power of alland in the enjoyment b y all of the separate rights these natural peculiarities create , is the problem to be solved . No present institutions afford us any guide to it . They are all , in principle , adapted to a state of society totally different from that of the future democracy . Neither the United States nor England can be a model . The latter is an old fouiM -monarchy , in which the democracy is oraduallv growing ' powerful ; the former is an imitation oV the latter , with a greater infusion of

    the democratic element , and yet mingled with slavery , which only renders the institutions adopted from Europe the more inconsequent and more harmful . M . Vaclierot has not raised his thoughts to the height of contemplating , a true democracy as he has defined it . He really regards it as regulated by monarchical institutions , or subordinate to them in spirit ; and so his bpok is not really so valuable a . s a book on the subject ought to be . Many useful remarks are contained in it . But it is radically and essentially defective by connecting democracy with institutions which have a monarchical origin . At the same time , as fur ns

    it attracts attention , it will prpyoke investigation into the subject , and help to dissipate crude and silly alarms , ' which tha Conservatives arc continually generatinu ' , about the ascendancy of the democracy , which cannot bo prevented . The task , however , at' ascertaining what institutions will suit the democracy is yet to be accomplished . When it has rotilly come into existence it wi I probably solve tho problom for itself , or bring with it tho institutions it roquiros . One thing is certain- Tho oxistenco of a democracy is not the result of man ' s will , and therefore it may be inferred that the power which calls it into existence ¦ will also determine the conditions on which it can "be permanently maintained iti welfare .

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    i =- — . —'¦ ¦ ¦ . . . .. . ¦ should be JSfOi 510 . Pise . 31 , 16 5941 TH ^ E LEADER . M 9

    Dition Involving The Most Contradictory ...

    dition involving the most contradictory principles . Side by side , each . possessing its own adherents , stand the liberal and progressive native legislation of Piedmont ; the irksome andhated foreign rule of Austria ; the self-government , enjoyed for centuries past , by the microscopic state of San Marino and the tiny principality of Monaco ; the misrule and barbarism of the dark ages in conjunction with priestly rule and intolerance in the

    Pontifical dominions , and tyranny and repressive cruelty in its grossest form , transferred from father to son , through the hands of death , in the kingdom of Naples . In the midst of these contending elements and heterogeneous combinations , the people of the four Central States have manifested at one and the same time the admirable spectacle of the noblest firmness of purpose in throwing off oppression and resisting its re-imposition , with the maintenance of all but unbroken order and

    tranquility . The single exception , in the case of the Anviti murder , though greatly to be regretted , itself affords a proof that it is not from blind unreasoning passion , but in obedience to the dictates of prudence and self-respect , that the Italians had been induced to rise against their rulers . That such wretches , as the victim of the Parma mob , should be allowed to torment men ' of worth . and honour must surely be a violation of every right , human and divine . Considering the provocation offered by Anviti , we may safely overlook this one breach of order and propriety on the part of the lowest class of a great city , and claim

    for the Italians a large meed of admiration for the self-control of which they have shown themselves capable . The year 1859 has afforded the fullest and most satisfactory refutation of the oft-repeated calumny , that the Italians are unfitted for national and self-government . The refinement and gentleness , hitherto supposed to be the exclusive appanage of the well-born and educated classes , have descended to the lowest members of the community , as the patient endurance of privations and physical discomfort , generally associated with the sacrifices and exigencies ; of poverty and obscurityhave been voluntarily and nobly

    en-, countered by the scions of aristocratic houses for the sake of the common cause . Under circumstances of the greatest difficulty , they have pursued their course , unmindful alike of the calumnious reports and tempting baits of open and secret enemies , and the expressed and implied desires and policy of an ally whose wishes and views gratitude compelled them to treat with deference and consideration . The fiery , hot-headed Southern race , whose boiling blood and heated imagination made recourse to the dagger on the slightest provocation a thing of every day occurrence—at

    least , according to the exaggerated accounts of travellers and writers—has so far changed its nature and its habits that it has frequently of late been taunted with apathy and indolence , So hard is it in this world of jarring , conflicting interests , to find the p recise middle path between the extremes whioh meet and confound right and wron < T , that the very mouth and pen which one day reproached the Italian with his proud impatience of restraint and q uickness to avenge linnsclf _ on the next , and not without some appearance of reason , lamented his impassibility , and urged

    him to take up the sword to hurry on the events kept in abeyance by diplomacy during bo many months . But the Italian was right in deferring to take the decisive step until oiroumstanees actually drove him to it . Those of his countrymen who mado n sufficiently -vigorous effort to get rid of their oppressors are at the present moment in the possession of pretty well all the privileges and advantages which they can desiro . Precipitancy in the attempt to consolidate the liberty and freedom they now enjoy might have endangered their privileges . It was fjvr better that they should wait and seo tho effect produced by their oalia and dignified attitude upon the decisions of Congresswhich they have

    while'in the very act of waitingrthey-were materially advancing the interests for which they would have unsheathed the sword . Tfie . tranquillity which they at present enjoy permits ' of . the steady growth of all the benefits of civilisation . True , the press is not perfectly unfettered , nor are dfer s enters from the dominant religion of the country utterly unrestrained in their doings and sayings ; but great allowance must iie made for the impfediments placed in the way of the temporary government . In comparison nvith the vexatious

    restrictions experienced in other parts of the Peninsula the peoples of Central Italy have , even now , caust for self-gratulation and thankfulness . Education art , and science meet with warm encouragement and , all things considered , the indefinite prolong gation of the present state of things is a mattei which , to the eye of sound sense and moderation mi g ht well be preferred to any rash enterprise o ! royalist or republican tendency . All suspense , however , we hope is now about . to be terminated by the meeting of Congress

    It would scarcely be possible to overrate the delicacy of the position in which the King of Sardinia has found himself in reference to the Emperor of France . How to proceed , so as to satisfy the people of Italy without running counter to the wish and policy of Napoleon III ., and at the same time to maintain his own dignity , has been a problem of no small difficulty . Indeed , like the peoples who have declared themselves his subjects , Victor Emmanuel ' s only safe course has been to assume a waiting attitude , and patiently watch the turn of events . This state of things sufficiently explains the uncertainty which so long attached to the choice of the Sardinian plenipotentiaries . To avoid wounding imperial or regal

    susceptibilities , hints and mdu-ect questions were had recourse to on both sides , and the subject remained enveloped in mystery until the other day . Now it is happily settled , and the man who , more than . any other , maybe said to represent constitutional freedom in Italy will take a share in . the coming deliberations . We look upon Count Cavour as a tower of strength for the Italian cause , and fervently hope that the fact of his presence at the Congress will be a guarantee that the rig hts of the peoples will be respected , while the claims of order , justice , and legitimate power will be kept in view . It is

    to be hoped that almost all obstacles are overcome , now that the preliminaries are settled and the representatives of each Government are named ; but the difficulties in the way have been neither few nor slight . All the parties to the treaty of 1815 , consequent upon the Congress of Vienna , have naturally claimed a right to be represented at tne Paris Congress of I 860 ; but all have urged views and pretensions so opposite as almost to render the assembling of a Congress impossible . 1 irst on the list we may be permitted to place England . Great Britain will take a part in it , but only on the express condition that the wishes of tUe Italian neoDlo shall be respected ; that the treaty in iocc

    of 1856 shall remain untouched , and that , , no other subject than that of Italy-shall be discussed . Bussia , on her part , consents to tho Congress if its powors are unlimited , and other subfeets are introduced for discussion without restriction On no other ground will she countenance any ' aUomSon in tne treaties of 1815 . Prussia accepts the Congress , but wishes the clauses of tho treaty of 1815 to remain in state W . ° * «& J * tho territorial changes made upon the Mincio . Spain sends plenipotentiaries , but claims to stand on an equal footing with Prussia , and to be considered ng one of tho groat powers , bweden » s the only power which has imposed no conditions , bit aie XuTd naturally aide with Rubs a . As for Austria , she expresses views totally « ub ^[« ° the principle of non-intervention so loudly proclaimed uy France and England , and proposes that JoirosQntativesof thedeposednowers shall bo heard iifconirross when order shall have boon restored m ffiohSSSons . Naples will send P ^ 'P Pf ^! on condition that no mention is made , of a constitution For a long , time the Pope refused to take any paVt , unless his revolted subjects , previously bs ± t ^^^^ B Ss ^^ darkenedTby the appearance of M . de la

    Guoxron-ITALY AT THE CLOSE OF THE YB AK . The year 1859 , now brought to a close , will .. over be memorable in the annals of Italy . Not the . glpries of ancient Homo ,, tho world-renowned Italian republios , nor tho splendid glitter ot the muniolpalinstitutions of the Peninsula , over presented a more striking or suggestive spcctaolo than that which has been offered by modern Italy , to the eye of tho moralist and tho politician during the . twelve months just elapsed . The past hae been a year rich in military glory , patnotio aspirations , and struggles to maintain a normal

    con-, reason to hope may not be adverse to their claims . Should the contrary bo the oase , they can then , as a final resort , employ forqo . Bj that time , surely , their patience and longsuflering will have disarmed , oven the partisans of peace at any price . At adl events , by trviiicc diplomacy first , and having reoourao to violence only in the second place , they will have the b £ X of both plans . ' it must have been wise on their parts to defer tho renewal of the horrors and oalUitios attendant upon war , since ,

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 31, 1859, page 15, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_31121859/page/15/