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v296 The l^eader and Saturday Analyst. [...
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PARLIAMENTARY JUSTICE—DOVER AND NORWICH....
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Coalitions And Alliances. Mr. Beight Has...
it levels to 'the '¦ . ground all considerations of i * ight and wrong . Our foreign policy ought to favour the political rights-of the Italians vaiid . Hungarians ; -so'far " as it is able to affect them . It ought to do what it can for the defence of Protestant principles against the despotism which seeks to crush them by brute force ; and yet these are things that cannot fail to draw upon us the envenomed hostility of absolutist sovereigns and Jesuit priests It is impossible , in either public or private life , to do right without incurring . the anger of those whose evil deeds are repressed ;
and not until robbers and murderers are willing to support an holiest and effective police need we expect to win the friendship of evil-doers by sustaining causes which are righteous and just . " We quite agree with Mr . Bright in deprecating intimate alliances with foreign Governments , but we differ entirely as to the chief reasons for avoiding them ; and if our countrymen are to be kept out of the dangers they will entail , something higher must be laid before them than . mere , appeals to the . selfishness of the pocket and the morality of the till . «•* . .
When Lord John Manners complimented Lord IohK Kvsse-lI / for the declaration we have , cited , he ^ gave vent to the delight of his party at the prospect of making England lead a new coalition against revolutionary France . This , as we have again and again explained , is the scheme of the Jesuits and the hope of the various princes . of Germany , who feel that , without external aid , their little thrones will gradually sink or be summarily overthrown . If this were no more , than a Tory and a Jesuit idea , it would have little chance of success but there are Liberals—or people wild ' . ' fancy themselves Liberals—who day by day hold out to this country the most alarming prospects , and endeavour to make it appear that we must either join a coalition against France , or see our wouldrbe allies disposed of one by one ,
and finally bear the whole brunt of an assault against ourselves . We fear * that Lord John RtrssELi / s speech will tend to strengthen this notion ; but a little cool reflection , will show , first ! , that it is by no means certain that England must take a part in a general Continental war , if such a calamity should arise , either at the beginning , in the middle , or at the end of it ; and in the second-place , it is far from being apparent that we could gain any strength by allying ourselves with decrepit Governments , founded upon reactionary principles . If , for example , France and Germany should quaiTel , it would be more difficult and more expensive to sustain the Austrian Empire and the German system * than to defeifd our own coasts , and protect Belgium against any act of conquest and annexation .
It is rumoured in some quarters that Lord John Russell is permitting hirnself to l > eestranged - from "France in consequence of a strong pressure exercised by the German party in our court ; and another report , to-which , some credit is attached , is to the effect that Austria is again attempting to negotiate an alliance with France and Russia , to secure assistance through her difficulties , in consideration of her joining in scheme for the division of the property of the incurable ^ sick man in the East . " There is very likely some truth in tins story ; but the success of the negotiation is far less probable than its existence , and it would be extremely foolish for England to » , become eii *^ tangled in alliances to guard against perils which inoy never
arise . Stripping these alliance questions of national prejudices , which should be suffered to die out , and of diplomatic disguises which conceal their real character , England ought to leave France and the great continental powers to settle their questions of territories and supremacies as well as they can . To join Russia is to ¦ con * deinn Poland ; to join Austria is to condemn Italy mid Hungary ; to join the Thirty-One princes and the Fdur Free Cities of Germany , is to endeavour to perpetuate interests and dynasties
winch are incompatible with the , welfare of the German race . If we stand aloof from the mti-igu . es and wnrs of governments which are founded , upon principles we condemn , ' we may mitigate the calamities they bring upon their subjects and the world at large ; but by intimate alliances we can only become abettors of their despotism , and accomplices in their efforts to prevent the progress of liberty and stay the inarch of mind . During the time that Lord John Russell has been minister for foreign nflairs , there is proof that he lias exerted n beneficial influence upon the councils of France , and he will do more , good
by continuing ; a firm nnd friendly remonstrance against what is bad , than l ) y threatening to act with other powers to establish a counteipoiso which French ambition will bo stimulated to overthrow . K the Continent runs a race of despotism , Trance is likely to win , beccmsp her despotism is less stupid than thnfojF naoat other powers . Lot those other powers , when they please , change the race for one of liberty , and they will then need . nothing from England moro expensivp thnn a good example to assist them in their career . Stroud has had the -good sense- to repu ? diate the conduct of 3 VIr . Hobs ^ a ?? . Mr . Kinglakb abandons
his motion on Savoy . Our warehouses are full of TYench silks ; wine is on the road , and our iron-masters , potters , and cottonspinners , are getting ready to establish something more useful than a diplomatic connexion with our nearest neighbours . Let these peaceful influences work , and no harm will be done to the great interests of humanity by proclaiming that England will not fight for despotic interests or incapable courts .
V296 The L^Eader And Saturday Analyst. [...
v 296 The l ^ eader and Saturday Analyst . [ March SI , 1860 ,
Parliamentary Justice—Dover And Norwich....
PARLIAMENTARY JUSTICE—DOVER AND NORWICH . DOES the House of Commons really wish to put down corruption at elections ? Pins it any conscience that practically stirs it to activity in the matter ? Or are we to regard its occasional manifestations of repressive energy as but spasmodic twinges , which , at rare intervals ,. afford ' no real indication of settled purpose or sense of judicial obligation ? Recent proceedings drive menj however unwillingly , towards . the latter conclusion . Where the
party interests of those who happen to be in power dp not clash with tlie reprehension of bribery , or the political punishment of those who bribe , it is possible to persuade Parliament to say and do that which is right . But where a seat or two may be secui-ed for supporters , it is marvellous to see with what infirmity of vision the judicial eye of Paiiiafnent becomes sudclenlyafflicted . No matter how strong the proof niay . be , there are always candid partisans ready to come forward and declare that no sufficient case has been made out on which tlie House can
be called upon to act ; and committees have so great a facility in the art of making inconclusive and imperfect reports , that there is seldom wanting some broken link on which to hang an evasion of penal action . . ' The cases of Dover and Norwich aptly exemplify the inconsistency of Parliament iii this -respect . '' .. - The retimi of the two sitting ' members for Dover , as every one is welt aware , was mainly secured in 1859 through the active interposition of Mr . Church * vakd , who was . then , as he had long been , a familiar of the Admiralty under various Administrations , and who , when- Lord Derby wanted to make sure of the l'pturn ot ¦
two friends ¦ for-,, the ; borough , exacted the concession of a ¦ highly advantageous % lail Packet contract as an indispensable preliininart . The contract was made in due time by the Treasury , Mr ! Disba-Teli and Sir Stafford Nohthcote taking especial care to talk and act throughout as if they were really ignorant of the political services to be rendered by Mr . Ckukchwart > . All that related to that part of the matter was negotiated at the other department , a hundred yards higher up in the street . How could any privity or concert be proved between the negotiators at the Admiralty and the contractors at the Treasury ? And if none could be proved , why should -any be assumed or asserted ?
Sir John Paki ^ gton was . naturally anxious to promote the return of his friends to the . new House of Commons , . and , in tire innocence of his Conservative heart , did what he conld for them at Dover by speaking to the influential Mr . Om . " RCB \ VAUD , whom he ' happened to know ^ and who happened to have considerable influence there : and simultaneously the simple-minded Sir Stafford Noktiicote happened to find himself'in official communication with this same Mr . CiiuivciiwAnn respecting- an exceetlini'iy beneficial bargain , which the last-named gentleman
was impatient to close with the Treasury . Who , but some sourm-inded caitiff , wo \ ild suspect that between the two proceedings any corrupt connexion existed ? What , in point . off . net , could bo shown beyond the mere coincidence iiv point of time ? -A committee of the House of Commons , however , thought otherwise , and the whole of the facts were laid before them , anil resolved by a majority of eleven to four , that the Treasury'had not been Warranted by any considerations of the public interest in making the concession of terms which Mr . Ciiuhohward hail required . That was lnst session : this session an Election Committee was
appointed to try the merits of the Dover petition j and by then * report they seem . to have ignored , or at least to have found ft verdict of " non proven , the charge of administrative corruption , in which the members ' of the late Government were involved . Emboldened by this decision , ( about ns bncl a one ns was ever pronounced even by an Election Committee , ) Mr . Churchward's friends ' in . the House of Commons tried on Tuesday last to obtain a vote mondatorv on the present Government to
carry out the contract entered into by their predecessors . Cnp-Uxin Leycesteh Veunon introduced the subject in a speech odmirnbjo for its intrepidity of assertion and coolness of tone . H © was supported . appropriately by Mr . WjiItjbside , Sir r . Kkixy , Mr . Maxins , Lord Lovatni ; , and the inculpated ex-First Lord of the Admirnlty and ex-Secretary of the Treasury } and one hundred and seventeen members were found ready to vote with him on u division . On the other hand , Ministers , while professing ! : to abstain from leading the opinions of fho House on the question , spoke decidedly agninat the contract , o »
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 31, 1860, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_31031860/page/4/
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