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1286 THE T/il A 1> -R.-R ¦ fNo. 405, Dec...
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THE EDUCATIONAL SUFFRAGE HOBBY. We shall...
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THE STAFF SCHOOL AND PU11CIIASK SYSTEM. ...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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President Buchanan's Message. James Bxto...
ing the real statesmen of the Republic who would develop the freedom of the Union , and would thus enable it to outgrow its negro encumbrance . In the name of the Black , White is set against White ; and the very question of Slavery itself is kept in suspense by the disputes about the method of terminating it . . The State of Kansas is a case in point . Surrounded
- on every side , Southern men have endeavoured to preoccupy the new state in -order to maintain the balance of voting in the Senate . Instead of trusting to the rapid extension of free settlement , under which the pure Slavery interest in Congress is inevitably doomed , the Northern men have resorted to manoeuvres ; and at the present moment the Union witnesses a studied
attempt to prevent the development of a fresh State , because the contending factions treacherously and disloyally seek to anticipate the free decision of the State . Neither one party possesses the virtue to collect the suffrages of the whole community , but each endeavours to thrust its suffrages upon the others as the decision of the entire State . One convention has confirmed rather more than its predecessors to the established rules of the Bepublic ; it has taken security for
submitting the question of slavery or no slavery to all the inhabitants of the territory ; and notwithstanding the defects which may be found in the form of procedure— -defects which are likely enough to be repeated ad infinitum . in any future attempts—Mr . Buchanan proposes to start from the basis thus laid down ; to recognize the State , to develop its State organization , to endue it with responsibility , and to extract from it ,
by Tegular means , its own decision upon the great question . This is a practical course ; out lie is impeded in it by the intrigues and agitations with which English statesmanship lias * had as much to do as Northern , statesmanship . It is plain that if the whole subject were thrown completely Open—if the very word * slavery' ceased to be the standard of contention—the simple march of freedom across the continent would soon hem in the
States that are encumbered witli a ' peculiar institution ; ' while the statesmen of the South , who rise above the level of faction to the large statesmanship of Clay , would assist to reconcile , in political theory as well as in practice , the South to the North . It is in that noble reconciliation that the practical statesmanship of the President renders him a pioneer .
1286 The T/Il A 1> -R.-R ¦ Fno. 405, Dec...
1286 THE T / il A 1 > -R .-R ¦ fNo . 405 , December 26 . 1 RK 7
The Educational Suffrage Hobby. We Shall...
THE EDUCATIONAL SUFFRAGE HOBBY . We shall believe , if things continue in their present fashion , that when men of all persuasions agree on a particular point , their consensus is sure to be an absurdity . Two hundred gentlemen , of more or less culture , have signed a document which prays Xord Pai > meeston to establish , upon a plan indicated , an educational suffrage . It is not a Tory , a Whig , or a Radical scheme ; an official , a legal , or a demagogue scheme ; a medical , a clerical , or a scientific scheme , but a doctrinaire concatenation of a number of
individuals who , perhaps , never before had a thought in common until , to speak in historical language , they found themselves thus ' pig & in & together , heads and points , on the same truckle-bed . ' Canterbuut , Dubiiam , Oxford , and Lincoln are on the roll with Gumming , Maurice , and Kingsxey . Sir
"WiiiMAM Williams op Kaiis concurs , on tins occasion , with Dr . Locook , and Doctor Gumming is of one mind with Mr . F . O . "Wabd . Mr . Brock places his card by the Bide of Dr . Liddeli / s , ( Joiin Buskin and Edwin Chadwiok consort , Sir Culling Eaedlet mounts the hobby of Ciiakx . es Mebivale and Aetmtjb Helps , and Mr .
Neate , sometime the elect of Oxford , jostles my Lords Fobtesctje and DTTNFEttMLiNE . That Lord Carnabvon should subscribe himself is not marvellous , since many young men living might have been his tutors , but Lord Campbell—que diable allait-il faire ? We can imagine Dr . Locock fascinated by so pretty an incubation , but in what moment of sublime contempt did Lord Brougham write " Brougham and Vaux" at the foot of
this precious memorial ? Is this the time , when Canton is to be attacked , to copy our institutions from China ? Very probably the principle satisfies ILui-in , Eil-ivl , Wang , Yang , Tchin , and others of Wousi , near the city of Tchang-tcheou , in the province of Kiang-nan , but surely the Chief Justice , the two ex-Speakers , the Archbishop of Canterbury , the three Bishops , the Tory Peers , and the Dissenting Ministers must have mistaken their longitude . Thev
ask us to create , from ninety thousand educated gentlemen , seventy constituencies , each returning a representative to the House of Commons ; and these legislators , representing the clergy , the nonconformist Ministers , the army , the navy , the universities , and the professions exclusively , will form a College of Mandarins in Parliament , capable of wrangling on divinity with Mr . Maubice , on art with Mr . Buskin , on prophecy with Dr . Cummino , on geology with Sir . Roderick
Mubchison , on military engineering with Sir John Bubgoyne , on muscular religion with Mr . Eiwgsley . We may be sure that the elect electors would send up a good many clever men who would be useful any where but in Parliament , and the debates would out-GladstOnize Mr . Gladstone in rhetoric , to the bewilderment of the country gentlemen ¦; . ; " but what earthly right have the memorialists to suppose that they , or the classes they represent , are better qualified to
depute politicians to the House of Commons than the average orders of the community . Give them votes , but not special , votes ; otherwise , the mercantile marine , the mining interest , railway proprietors , and a hundred other batches of citizens , might fairly claim to be marked off * the general , ' and ask for seventy representatives to mount guard over cqmmerce and industry . We should be
getting up caste qualifications in England while we are raving at them in India . Wo should be taking lessons from Pekin while preparing to blow Yeh out of his government . Clearly some among the gentlemen whose signatures appear desire to make terms with the Heform party , and to keep multitudes out of the way . Others , we are firmly persuaded —indeed we know—sicmed the memorial
inconsiderately , and are not ready to abide by the pedantries on which it is based . It is impossible to conceive men of judgment deliberately proposing to establish a set of electoral colleges throughout the three kingdoms , and seventy separate constituencies composed of the clergy , military men , professional graduates , and other experts in literature , science , and art . The ecclesiastical nominees , of course , would predominate , thirty thousand out of the ninety thousand proposed voters being ministers of religion ; and that is a point which we commend to the notice of Liberal politicians .
Every one will admit that the persons included in the category set forth by the memorial ought to possess a vote It may bo granted to them on simple terms , by admitting lodgers , with a fixed qualification , to the exercise of the parliamentary suffrage , thus identifying them with the great body of citizens , instead of cutting them oil ' , upon the principles of Japanese heraldry , and creating a sort of spurious oligarchy of Prigs . They dislike being treated as units ,
they say . If they are better than unitswhich ^ many a graduate and member of a learned society is not—they have abundant means of influencing society . They have their intellect , their eloquence , their culture the respect entertained for them by the less educated classes , the free range of pulpits platforms , and the press . But whence arose this political rage ? The educated orders of the nation , as represented by the memorial
Have not habitually associated themselves with political movements , or enlarged their exertions beyond their churches , chapels lecture-rooms , and clubs . Whenever they do this , power accrues to them , and more they cannot have without doing an injustice to the country , and bringing ridicule upon the Constitution . The Eeforms of Parliament and the Executive have been of popular , not of learned origin ; for all that the bishops
, the army , the universities , and the illuminati have done , we might still have been the subjects of a Georgian rule . INot so , they argue . They have spread knowledge ; to them is attrib utable the explosion of vulgar fallacies ; they , the educated , have shown the people the way out orEgyptian darkness . Then they did all this without the educational suffrage , and let them continue to do it , for it is their office , and their influence will not be the less
because we refuse to render their importance a monstrosity . The principle of special suffrages could not stop , if once introduced into the constitution . Circle within circle , class within class , we should be the Chinese of the West within a century , unless , as is probable , we repealed pur fanciful new law within five years from its enactment , and resolved , in future , to remember what
self-government means , and the true nature of a suffrage . It is the citizen , the Englishman , -who votes at the election of ft Knight or Burgess , not the Master or Bachelor of Arts , the Rector or "Vicar , the Brigadier or Captain , the Fellow of a Royal College , a Professor of geology or of prophecy . Carrying to its utmost the principle of a property qualification , it amounts rationally to this : that
it is wise to ascertain whether the suffrage is exercised by a man competent to form a political opinion . It is no object of the electoral system to send up a gentleman from the Tower Hamlets , who , being the elect of nine hundred shall rise , when the two elect of nine thousand have spoken , and say , " Sir , as a man of education , 1 must dissent from the views of those members , the deputies of an
illiterate mob . " The difficulty is to treat the proposal with seriousness . It is a sickly conceit of dilettantism . It is scarcely an expression of opinion , but a hesitating hint , that certain people would be willing to make an experiment upon the constitution . The constitution , however , is not a dog or a dead body for empirical or anatomical treatment . The reform to come must he a concession of
solid power to the nation nationally . We find Mr . ' CoBDEK , Mr . Bright , Mr . Miltjee Gibson , Mr . Fox , Mr . Coningham , Mr . Miall , Mr . lion buck , Mr . Hadfield , Mr . Robertson Gladstone , Mr . George Wilson , Mr . Titds Salt , and others of that order , announced as having signed a memorial for a largely-extended suffrage , the ballot , and the abolition of the property qualification , and we are at no loss to decide which of the two programmes will rouso enthusiasm , and which will be civilly sneered into limbo .
The Staff School And Pu11ciiask System. ...
THE STAFF SCHOOL AND PU 11 CIIASK SYSTEM . According to all prognostics , ITeh ! Majesxy's Government are wot inclined to onlarge the field of selection for officers ; but
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 26, 1857, page 12, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_26121857/page/12/
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