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Leader (1850-1860), 26th November 1859, Edition 2 of 2, Page 16

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      Enough To Provide Decent Human Methods O...

      economy , about which we hear so much , than any demands made by striking bricklayers not _ quite up in their social science or the mechanism of trade . The builders' strike , as it is commonly called , although it is more properly a " lock-out , has already cost the men more than , £ 25 , 000 m direct expenditure , and it has placed more than a hundred employers , who foolishly put themselves under the tyranny of a committee , in a position which will make their balance-sheets more instructive than agreeable . The total loss must be something enormous , and has been brought upon the community primarily because there were two hungry oral apertures to one mouthful of cheese . If blame rests upon the men for commencing the strife , still more rests upon the employers for prolonging and embittering it by absurd pretensions of dignity that was too grand for courteous discussion * Imd by attacks upon the legal rights of the operatives which admit of no defence . But if we look beyond the proximate causes of the struggle , we come to the old story , that the population was in excess of the capital ready to employ them . If this be a natural state of things resulting from laws or principles beyond human control , we must wait until starvation or some other " check " has checkmated the supernumeraries , and lef t only the number able to obtain seats at the social feast . Fortunately , we are not called upon to believe anything of the kind . We are the wealthiest people that ever lived , not only absolutely but relatively to our numbers ; we raise larger revenues for public purposes than any other country ever had the ability to furnishj and we waste , in mal-administration and extravagance , as many millions a year as would constitute a splendid income for a third-rate power . We have capital that goes begging to be employed by foreign despotisms , and countless stores of undug wealth in a larger colonial empire than ever . owned allegiance to a single crown . With these advantages , that suffering which gives rise to strikes ought not to * exist amongst us ; and instead of talking nonsense about rescuing the working classes from the tyranny of their own . associations—a matter which they can settle for themselves—let us endeavour to get rid of the really oppressive tyranny of a fiscal system , which is one of the principal cause . * of discontent , ^— .. jp he working classes are very united in the belief that their associations are beneficial ; and , as . example of' their determination to sustain them , we may ( mention that the Amalgamated Society of Engineers iias contributed . £ 2 , 100 to the builders ' . strike , the sum being raised by a special leyy ? of half-a-crown on each of their members . Ofcfier societies have , in proportion to their numbers , ^ made similar sacrifices , and it is hopeless to expert the men will give up the idea that combinations are necessary for their protection until a niucVf greater demand for labour proves to every one # hat lie is able to take care of himself . It is not / too much to expect from a reformed Parliament / that it should reduce the national expenditure by at least £ 10 , 000 , 000 a year , and that it Should shift the burden of a similar amount from / industrial life . Such conduct would offer a good beginning for a practical argument against strikes , ( which will not cease until employers find it neces' aary % o raise the social condition of the operatives , and give them some interest in the success of the establishments in which they are engaged . Legal repression will break down , from its manifest injustice . If applied on both aides , the lock-out masters must b « convicted for conspiracy . to intimidate the men , and threaten them with starvation unless they sign a document—a proceeding quite as objectionable as the threat of the men not to' work with , those who refuse their shibboleth . . Should this side of the question come before our magistrates and judges , it will be no bad test of their honour and fairness in interprctating the law , which has far too much the character of license for the rich and oppression for the poor .

      Iqnn The "Leader [No. 505. Nov. 26, 1859...

      iqnn THE "LEADER [ No . 505 . Nov . 26 , 1859 .

      ' By Claiming For Its Exaggerations, Add...

      ' by claiming for its exaggerations , addressed only to English prejudices and passions , an influence over the mind of the French Emperor . The failure of this discreditable ruse has been clearly demonstrated by the fact that the emanation from the Imperial naind—properly cautioning the French press to be moderate in its expressions against the English people—took an efficient shape before the articles appeared in the Times . Our contemporary was successful in exciting momentary alarm and even dismay , to be followed by permanent mistrust in his statements . ;> As our contemporary has laid aside his simulated terror , he has assumed his right senses , and has begun to advocate , we announce with pleasure , the reduction of duties on the produce of" French industry .

      FRENCH ANIMOSITY . —OUR WINE DUTIES . . ' W » arc glUd to announce that tho ' alarm to whioh we referred under this head last wook has blown over . The Times has virtually oonfeflsod itself to ttftve fcoea most grievously misled , though it attomptcd , very foolishly , to get out of tho sorapo

      The Private Conduct Of Public Companies....

      THE PRIVATE CONDUCT OF PUBLIC COMPANIES . There seems to be a growing disposition to drag all kinds of affairs before the public , and to make that heterogeneous body the final judge on the most partial stal ements of all kind of proceedings . The value of publicity we are fully aware of , and have always maintained it in its extremest permissible extent ; but still there is a limit even to liberty itself , and there are bounds to the rights of inquiry , even to newspapers . No business , profession , or calling of any kind , could be successfully carried on if every question were to be taken to the decision of the public . It will be said that this line of argument would tend to repress a necessary- publicity . ; but that is by no means so .

      sary for the ends of justice that "bo * h sides be heard . We'have not seen either of the pamnhlets but we hear that they are in vehement circulation ; and , should the dispute proceed , we shall not hesitate to thoroughly examine a matter which , arising in the great irregularity of making public interior , and consequently confidential p roceedings , has already reached the stage of being as improperly discussed in an ex parte manner by one of our most influential daily papers .

      Let all public matters be made , to the uttermost , public ; but the private conducting of a business , whether of a company or individual , must have its confidential aspect . It could not but be inconvenient to have any discussion of two partners as to the prices they shall give , or the persons they will deal with , published to the world . And what applies to a private partnership applies also to the internal arrangements of a company . We are led into these remarks by the tone which a mighty contemporary has taken with regard to a highly respectable joint-stock company——'' . The Liverpool and London Insurance Association . "

      This company was originally established at Liverpool , and virtually belongs to that great commercial city ; but , in order to facilitate its metropolitan business , it had a sub-board of directors in London ; but it is quite evident that it could not have two governing bodies , and that the London , in this instance , must be subsidiary to the original Liverpool board . Such an arrangement was naturally fraught with inconvenience , and it was extremely likely that any ambitious and litigious director on the London Board could greatly hamper and

      impede the proceedings of the Parent Directory . Such a contingency has arisen , and a Mr . Forster , a member of the London Board , has published a pamphlet appealing to the public on a matter strictly official , and , therefore , as we contend , not public . This is just exactly one of those matters with which the public has nothing to' do , for it relates to the private administration of the affairs of a trading company . Mr . Forster does not agree -with his fellow directors , and troubles them '; " and they therefore desire to be

      rid of a companion whom they find is usurping more than his rightful share of power and government . Mr . Forster is voted out of the London Directory , which , after all , even he cannot consider as any great wrong , for ho himself says he was preparing to resign immediately . We have really no interest in the case whatever . We never were in any way connected with the office , and now merely refer to it to point out the very great inconvenience , and , in some instances , dimmge , that will ensue to important mercantile establishments if their strictly interior arrangements are to be made the subject of public arbitremont , nnd to bo lugged head and shoulders into the columns of the press . Such matters , wo ropcati except under vory extraordinary and urgent circumstances , are not tho fit subject of newspaper disouesion . Tho freedom of tho press is invaluable , but so is tho freedom of speech ; yet a man would bo no welcome member of society who chose to set himself as an inquirer and judge of every man ' s private affairs . One of the great evils of suoh a system is its breeding endless and bitter discussions . ; for when once mooted tho quarrel becomes general . It is nooca-

      ,. , , ¦ ¦ ¦ Baron De Bourqueney. M. Dis...

      ¦ ¦ ¦ BARON DE BOURQUENEY . M . Dis Bourquenet , the French plenipotentiary at the recent conferences at Zurich , is a member of a family belonging to the neighbourhood of Zurich , and would , thei'efore , find himself at home and in the midst of relatives and friends during the protracted term of his diplomatic duties in the Swiss city . He is a most polished , amiable , and agreeable man , and was well fitted for the trying position in which he was placed at Zurich . Over and over again must the balance have fallen from the hands of a less skilful and conciliatory agent than M . de Bouiqueriey , who never relaxed in his efforts to hold it , even between the Powers of France and Austria , either or both of which long seemed little disposed to terminate diplomatic differences and difficulties by any amicable arrangement . More fortunate , or physically stronger , than the Austrian plenipotentiary , Count Colleredo , M . De Bourqueney has survived all the wearisome and embarrassing delays , contradictions , orderSj counter-orders , prevarications , subterfuges , and perplexities of every kind to . which his Austrian comrade ' s life may be said to have fallen a sacrifice . Future court chroniclers and important historical tomes will transmit to distant generations details of the mighty deliberations which have so long kept Europe in suspense respecting the Italian question . Ages to come will , doubtless , learn with intense edification that journey after journey was performed between Zurich and Paris , and the former city and Vienna , either by the plenipotentiaries in person or by their deputies , to settle points previously settled on the battle-field , according to all the ordinary rules of right a common sense . For instance , after being driven out of Loiiibardy at the sword ' s point , Austria contended for the retention of the most important fortresses of that ccuntry , and won her point , too , although the concession was equivalent to annulling the advantage professedly gained for Italy by France . Then the Lombardian debt was another " ulf to be bridged over only after an infinitude of Selay and discussion . Piedmont hesitated to grant the exorbitant demands made upon her , and rightly , because she well knew that with the famous quadrilateral still in the hands of Austria she should have need unough of her millions to maintain the army required ^ to watch the movement of her neighbour . The denomination of the future kingdom gave rise to no slight contention and suspense ; Upper Italy , as desired by Sardinia , was found too comprehensive , while Venice remained to Austria . The iron crown of Monza , which by every law ol justice and as a matter of sentiment should have gone with the territory of which it is thu symbol , was lostin tho war of words ; and when all seemed on the ovo of final settlement , a now difficulty occurred which threatened to undo what bad been done , and condemn the unfortunate plenipotentiaries to the fate of Sysiphu . s . Tho Austrian Emperor was difficult as to the precise coin in which ho would receive payment for the territory whioh ho had lost and Piedmont won . Hut » t lost the day came when matters wore dculurcil to . be so far arranged that they miglit bo finally settled at n European . Congress , though thin Congress is still in abeyance , and the latest reports say that Austria refuses to bo a party to it , il Mantua andPoschiora are to bo treated asfudeml fortieses . At all events the Zurich Conferences nro broken up , and M . de Bourquenov' survives tho H "' " patience to which ho has been subjected ; but it would seem that his tasto for diplomacy ia tmtiiueu , for it is declared that ho has ollbrod hi * resignation to tho French Emperor . M . do Bourquoney commenced bin < lij > loinntio career , as secretary to the oinbnuny ufc Jl < 1 l V ^ . where Chnfcoaubriund was ambassador . , ¦ ( VUC 1 1 tho revolution of 1830 lio returned lo Pai-w , a »« passed through the various grades of dip lonuuio

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 26, 1859, page 16, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_26111859/page/16/