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    May 26,1S6G.1 The'Leaderand Saturday'Ana...

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    BRITISH SYMPATHY WITH ITALY. 11 /"^ ARIB...

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    The Phivileges Op The Commons. Rphe Day ...

    The Duke of Augyll " did not deny that the Lords had a right to reject the Bill ; but he believed that in doing so the } were striking at the very root of the constitutional power of the other . House , and at the ' root of all constitutional practice as determined by precedents between the two Houses of Parliament . " The constitutional history of England is a narrative of successful struggles on behalf of popular rights . ~ In the days of Kiii ° -John the Barons curtailed the power of the Crown ; and if the mass of the people were so little considered in the Great Charter , the reason was that their development had scarcely begun . In Elizabeth's time , notwithstanding the great

    popularity of the sovereign , and the willingness of the people to sustain " royal prerogative to a very great extent , the House of Commons on several occasions vindicated its importance , while no advance in power could be made by the peers . The Great Rebellion permanently strengthened the popular branch of the Legislature , and the Restoration imposed but slight temporary obstacles to that career of development wlrch received a new impulse from the final expulsion of the Stuarts , and was continued , with occasional intermissions , till the Reform Bill of' 32 ; since which time the expansion of commercial interests avid the spread of education have called a new popular force into existence , in the shape of a very powerful representative press .

    No one can contemplate these changes without perceiving that they were the natural and inevitable consequences of the moral and physical qualities of the nation , and they are all hostile to the dominion of a privileged class . A prosperous country will always contain a very large conservative class , who have obtained wealth and position , and do not wish to be disturbed . To this conservatism of self-satisfaction , may be added the conservatism of habit and of ignorance , which are indisposed for new ideas , and so long as the House of Lords is the fair represent .- tive of these feelings its constitution will be respected ; but if it goes

    beyond this , and attempts to perform the functions that can only be * legitimately discharged by a responsible- and elective body , it will only hasten the advent of some organic change . For sueh a change ' the public mind is prepared , and no one has forgotten the arbitrary stand made by the House of Peers against the indubitable right of the Crown , supported by national opinion , to introduce an order of life jjeers , who might be selected froma class wider in its sympathies , and profounder in its knowledge , than those lucky children of wealth who can afford to sustain the burdens of an hereditary position .

    When Lord Palme RSTON formed his Cabinet we pointed out the want of cohesion between its component parts , and we believe that those members in whom the public have most confidence are not the favourites with their cabinet chief . The foreign policy of Lord John Russell has been , notwithstanding < >^ 4 iAinual ^ . i ' niidit yr ^ iCLJjntJcli more manly and straightforward than any thing that we can discover in Lord Palmer ston ' s career , that we should be surprised if it has not provoked the jealousy of his ostensible superior . Mr . Gladstone can scarcely be . a

    favourite colleague , and Mr . Milneh Gibson , who fairly earned a seat in the Cabinet , is well known to entertain opinions far in advance of the Premier's view 3 . The Tories calculate upon theso difficulties , and would , no doubt , like to have another lease of power while no Parliament would be sitting to control their-act !? . There may also be dreams of new combinations or coalitions , for it is impossible to believe that so many peers would risk a collision with a country , except in the pursuit of some much larger scheme than the preservation of a solitary impost for a little longer time .

    There arc many indications that the chief provincial towns are alive to the importance of the crisis , that , has occurred ; and although London Reform organizations , from the Administration bubble down to the Guildhall Coffee House com m it tee , seem little better than aids to the Cnrlton Club , we cannot believe the metropolis will be silent or powerless when a great constitutional question is at stake .

    May 26,1s6g.1 The'leaderand Saturday'ana...

    May 26 , 1 S 6 G . 1 The ' Leaderand Saturday ' Analyst . 489

    British Sympathy With Italy. 11 /"^ Arib...

    BRITISH SYMPATHY WITH ITALY . 11 / " ^ ARIBALOT hns taken Palermo . " The news may have VJT been premature , but when it was communicated on Tuesday night to nn immense audience assembled nt St . Martin's Hall , on the authority of a great mercantile firm , the burst of enthusiasm was so spontaneous and overwhelming as to lenvc no doubt thnt the British people arc ns ready ns of old to encourage the wise and patriotic efforts of other nations to obtain n freedom which hns long been their own . Public npnthy lias resulted in no Bmnll degree from the want of leaders whom the people could tnist , and who were felt to represent the . thoughts and feelings which are extensively cherished at the present time . No grant names were announced to take part in the proceedings at St . Martin ' s Hall ; few bills were 3 ocn as any one walked through London streets . ; and yet , both in quality and in numbers

    the gathering was worthy of the metropolis ; and so many intelligent people could not have been brought together under such circumstances unless a very large part of the population desired an opportunity of showing their interest in the JLtaliwn , struggle , arid their desire that at least the moral help of England should be firmly and unsparingly bestowed . The doctrine of indifferentism for the sake of peace , with which the country lias so long been nauseated by a noisy and un-English school , was severely condemned , with the unanimous sanction of the assembled multitude ; and the opinions expressed will have the more weight from

    the tone of caution and moderation that characterized the proceedings . As might have been expected , the conduct of certain parliamentary aspirants for legal honours , with reference to the legality of the Garibaldi subscription , was not forgotten ; and ¦ Mr . Slack , who did justice to the wise observations of Lord Johic Russell , clearly pointed out the constitutional principles applicable to such a * case , and showed ' that it was the duty of a British , jury to resist the wrongful application of a law intended for the safety of this country , and which it was sought to pervert to the base purposes of foreign tyranny . There is no fault to find with-the law as it stands , because it offers the means of

    restraining individuals from compromising the general safety or interests of tlie country by ill-considered interventions in the affairs of other States ; ' and " it could only be made an engine of mischief through the apathy of the public or a culpable ignorance of the principles of liberty . The right of juries to take their stand-upon the maxims of constitutional liberty has always been admitted by the most trustworthy authorities ; and when , under the old libel laws , successful efforts were made by bad ministers to deprive the people of their right-of freely commenting upon public affairs , Jeremy Bentiiam , our pvofoimdest jurist ,

    declared that "he should not have regarded it as consistent with his oath and duty to have joined in a verdict of guilty . " Nothing could be easier than to place the Sicilian subscription on a footing-extremely difficult to assail by calling it a . " Garibaldi Testimonial , " as " was proposed on Tuesday , but rip-other . . precaution is really necessary than that of directing public opinion to the real nature of the case . With Lord John Russell in office , in such a question our liberty . would be secure , and it would be madness too great even for Lord Malmesbuhy to help his friends of niisrule by an attempt at prosecution that would be put down as firmly and indignantly as-it-would deserve .

    The triumph of-Gakibaldt-may be looked upon . as certain , and Lord John Russell should be encouraged to recognise Victor Emmanuel's title to the sovereignty of the island , as soon as the wishes of its inhabitants are declared . There is a rumour in private circles that the Emperor of the Trench has caused money to be privately sent to the Garibaldi fund , and a lnrgejinrty in Prance , who desire the freedom of Italy , will have a 'firmer hold upon the conduct of their Government ifencouniged ~ by the frank , outspoken voice of thu English nation . In a , political point of view this is highly important , as every movement which

    the French make in favour of liberal principles renders more impossible that mischievous coalition with Russia that has so often been predicted , The Czar must take his stand upon that obsolete fiction , the " Divine Right of Kings ; " and if England and France both recognise the real and valid right of the Sicilian people , there will bo another link of amity between the two great maritime Powers , and another barrier placed between the civilization of Europe and the barbarism of the Cossack hordes . Lord Joiix Russell stated that Austria would not directly interfere

    in the Neapolitan struggle , and she should be forcibly held to this course , as her intervention would be an outrage upon the common feeling of Europe . So far as Sicily is concerned , a simple declaration from our Government would slop any such attempt , and the Eaii'Euon of the French should bo assured of British sympathy and approval , if he prevented any movement on the main land . There must be no doubt as to the practical result of any embarrassments or changes the Cabinet may undergo , and it must bo felt that whoever obtains office shall be compelled to earrv out the national will in this important particular .

    "We need prudent precaution against dangers thnt might arise from Napoleonic designs , but it was never more necessary to resist the instigations of those who would provoke a feeling of jealousy ogaitiat France , and attempt to mislead us into foolish efforts to prevent herobtaining * that supremacy over a large part of the Continent , which is founded not so much ou her own efforts as upon the misconduct of other states . Our Hanover correspondent last week gave an admirable epitome of Gorman . politics , which should be studied in connexion with tho Italian question . The various minor Governments , led by Hanover , arc determined to' ri ^ lc everything rather than permit the development of German nationality ' } and while some arc openly siding with Austria and the priests , others are accused , with apparent reason , of intriguing with the Empire of France . Tho Sicilian revolution may bring

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), May 26, 1860, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_26051860/page/5/