On this page
-
Text (2)
-
^ .,» .»,„,»,-gfi. 1853.1 THE LEiDEB. 40...
-
Govermnent. To such an extent is the l'u...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Arose From The Fact That She Was Known T...
unintelligible , to the vulgar mind you migLt as SSll tell of progress without motion , of heat without Warmth , as of - amelioration without alteration . We accept the dictum in silence , and ponder over ft reverentially . Then follows the most marvellous piece of logical induction which it ^ veiventered Into the brain of man to conceive . Mr . _ Hope is an equal foe to Americanising or Galhcising our institutions . He cannot fail to remark that the Constitutions both of France and America are the offspring of the ballot and umversnl . suffrage . -Me ,, therefore , cannot consent to any measure which smooths the way to . the introduction of these institutions , and therefore voted consistently , against what ? Against Locke King ' s bill ? No . Against
Berkeley's Ballot motion ? Guess again—against the removal of the Gqvemtticnt . of India to the Crown What the connexion between the India House and tho ballot , between Cannon-row and universal suffrage , was , or is , or ever can be , Mr . Hope alone can tell . .-The . only vestige of an explanation is to be found ; , in the following statement : that if you onee establish' the precedent of interfering- with corporations , no one can tell where you mayitop . Horrible to relate , you may eventually come to tampering with the corporations of Oxford and Cambridge . Why , actually ; in time , Cambridge may cease to " return a member ! Let us turn in dread from the awful prospect .
On continental politics the Hope oracle \ s equally -mysterious . He desires to maintain religiously the faith of treaties . He objects to interference ¦ with ; the internal condition of other countries ; but ( the language here becomes too beautiful to be abridged ) " wherever the . greed of a great Power ., or the acquisitiveness of a small one , seeks to cloak its own selfishness under any simulated or plausible zeal on behalf of suffering nationalities , " . " , . ' ¦ -.. ' .- then his " earnest exertions will be given to the maintenance of British influence by the majesty and extent-of British resources . " We have only to call the attention of our readers to a small manifest
misto the " auspices of the Established Church , " which is somewhat suggestive . The address concludes by a process analogous to what Mr . Wig & n , hi the " First Night , " terms " tickling . " his seven ' contributing constituents . No small , amount of our . national prosperity is attributed * xihder Providence , to the existence oi our seminaries of sound learning and -religious education . Well , there is " nothing like
leather , after all ;" , and if college dons , anu fellows , and tutors have , at times , an uncomfortable suspicion whether their lives and careers are strictly in accordance , either with apostolic precedent or the spirit of the age , it . must be a comfort to them to learn , on the authority of the founder of the Church of England Missionary College , that insome mysterious way they are foundation stones of oin-national screatness .
in plain English , we ask what is the real meaning of this confession of faith ? The articles of the creed have a familiar jingle in our ears ; an unreasoning horror of democracy , an uniform resistance to all reform , a blind support of continental despotism , a bigoted adherence to all vested abuses and ecclesiastical privileges , read to us like a political manifesto not unknown before . The only novelty about the creed is a kind of . . dilletaiite _ pseudo-liberalism , and an arrogant assertion of exclusive wisdom , with which the old worn-out tenets of the Tory .-party are bedecked and veiled . Of Mr . Hope * . personally , we have little to say , is
because there is little to be said . He a very respectable man , and also a very wealthy one . II e gained two or three . college prizes in his youth , and in later life . got hold of the Saturday Review He is a shallow tliinker , a poor speaker , and a poorer writer . The worst fate , indeed , we could wish the Saturday Review would be for Mr . Hope to take a fancy to write his own articles . Let JVlr . Hope remain at Maidstone , or he may go farther and fare worsen Of late years , the members for the University of Cambridge hay £ not been a distinguished body , but the standard has not yet been lowered to the intellectual calibre of Mr . Beresfbrd Hope .
print in this magnificent peroration , and the sentence becomes intelligible as well as eloquent . For the first word " British , ' \ read " Austrian , ? ' and you have a key to the whole foreign policy of Mi \ Hope and the Saturday lleoiew . It is , however , on his view of religious questions that Mr . Hope rises to the seventh heaven of involved unintelligibility , After having studied his statement witlr deep consideration , and having carefully dissected , every sentence , and weighed every word , we have only been able to arrive at
the following ' positive rosults , viz ., that Mr . Hope is a sincere but moderate member of the Church of England- —equally , opposed to extreme opinions on one side or the other—and that the system of the Established Church " literally but reasonably " ( whatever that may mean ) interpreted is at once conformable to apostolic precedent , and suitable to the wants of our restless and progressive age . There is owe step from the sublime to the ridiculous—and whether this is all deep wisdom or sheer nonsense we will not venture to decide . If ,
however , the tree is to be judged by the fruits , we incline to the latter opinion ; for the only tangible result of these brilliant ideas on Mr . Hope ' s part appears to have consisted in a steadfast opposition to the bills for legalising marriage with a deceased wife ' s sister and for abolishing church-rates . Mr . Hope has been teller in five divisions on these subjects ; and we arc glad to learn has boon rewarded for hirt services on behalf of the Establishment by being entrusted with petitions from the chapters of Canterbury , Westminster , Ely , and Lichneld . Truly in thin instance the lure has been worthy of this labourer . Small as this positive result may nppcar , it was
a comfort to . us to arrive nt any definite profession of faith ; but ,. ulas ! in the very next paragraph this small rcstin ^ -placo of fnet is' cut nwny ' fj'om us , nnd wo iu'o loft wallowing again in tho < juiolo sands pf uncertainty . Though Mr . Hope , is a steadfast opponent of the abolition of , churchrates , yet ho is quite read y to exempt Pisflonters from the necessity of paying them ; « nd thoiigh Mr , Xiopo assures us that on tho topic of education hie convictions tiro fixed , ho only ypluntcors tho information that ho proposes to foster tho exertions of communities and individuals . Ho unfortunatoly forgot to add from what funds , or in . what proportions , or subject £ o what regulations , ho proposes to foster iheso educational movements . There is a vogue allusion , however , shortly after ,
^ .,» .»,„,»,-Gfi. 1853.1 The Leideb. 40...
^ ., » . » , „ , » ,-gfi . 1853 . 1 THE LEiDEB . 403
Govermnent. To Such An Extent Is The L'U...
Govermnent . To such an extent is the l'ule enforced , that we have heard of a midshipman ' s dirk being taken , from him and locked up till his departure . Even bribery , which will do almost everything in Italy , will not avail in this instance . On leaving the town , however—which is a free portyou are submitted to a second inspection , where you may bribe to your heart ' s content . Everybody wants to be bribed ; the Government officials avowedly live by bribes ; it is the rule alL over Italyi We have se , ' . ourselves , an Austrian commissioned office ]* , with the epaulettes upon Ins shoulders , accept five . shillings" with' the utmost complacency , as the reward for liis acquiescence in our assertion that our luggage contained nothing contraband .
Passing through the city of Pisa , and travelling through- that wondrous burying-ground of the " Campo Santo , " where the sacred soil of the Holy Land moulders away beneath the cypress branches , and the fresco-covered walls arc studded with the tomb ' s of Pisa ' s-worthies , we were struck most of all with two recent inscriptions . Since we last had passed through those fretted cloisters there had been one slab raised , over which hung the chains of Pisa ' s ancient gateways . Centuries had passed away since the Florentines had carried them off in triumph from the walls of the captured city , but in that short and sweet period of Italian national oi
independence , which succeeded the revolutions .. ' 48 , the fittest gift which Florence could find to make to Pisa , was the gift . of her ancient chains ; yet it seemed to us that the very fact that such a gift should be welcome , showed how little the memory of old divisions had passed 'away ; how far the old states of Italy were yet distant froni the time that they could be fused into one homogeneous country . Here too , we found another slab , also new to us , and in our eyes more hopeful of- 'the .: future .- ' It was a monument erected soon after ? , to the memory of those who fell in the great struggle between Austria and Italy . AH honour be to those who , even if mistaken , fought
STREET YIEW OF ITALY . —No . HI . LEGHORN PISA—FLOKESCE . " Wis suppose that in every civilised country the condition of its periodical press-is ,-more or less , a fair test of its intellectual development . Judging by this standard , we should assign a low place indeed to the moral oxilture of Italy . In Sardi n the press , of late years , has grown into active existence , though , like all the liberal institutions of that go-ahead-country ,, it lias , somewhat of a lath and plaster character , and commands' but small influence . Throughout Tuscany , the Papal States , and the kingdom of the Two Sicilies , the press can hardly be said to exist . We have seen an old English country newspaper of some hundred and twenty years iigo , in which , though published at the time of the rebellion of forty-five , the only item of political news is comprised in the paragraph that at Genoa , a town in Italy , two deserters from the State forces had- been captured and executed by military law . Such a piece of intelligence , bald us it is , would bo almost a startling novelty in a South Italian newspaper . In fhet , those journals are little more than Slate advertisement sheets , filled up with the most meagre scraps yf intelligence , and
every now nnd then a column of what , in country newspapers , are termed " Varieties . " Heaven help the unlucky editors , and the still more unfortunate readers ! Throughout the south of Italy , in all places of public resort * in cafes and barbers' shops , and steam-boats mid hotels , you never , by any chance , come across an Italian paper . 1 lie songs of Zion never Hounded so sweetly as when sung in a strange liuid , and you must huve resided long iu Italy to know the value of au English newspaper . Leghorn is tlio Liverpool of Italy , and yet even there there exists no newspaper which can be termed political .
Indeed , > is you entor L eg horn , coming from the Sardinian dominions , you become aware at onco of a change of Government . It would take tho allswallowing fiuth of Mr . George Bowyor to boliovp that the change is for tho bettor . On lauding , you are stopped , and all your luggage opened , to guard ngainst the most distant possibility oi' your bringing in fire-arms with you , which , by some moans or other , might find their wuy unauthorised into tho hands oi the loving subjects of this paternal
and fell manfully for a noble cause . The whole railway between Leghorn . and Florence is a dead flat , and lies in the wide Arho plain , celebrated for its system . of agriculture and irrigation . You cannot travel through it without being struck by the richness of the pasture land , and the extreme care with vvhieh every plot of ground is watered and tended . This very fact recalls to us an observation , which , we believe , explains , in a great measure , the divided state of Italy , and which is generally overlooked by enthusiastic travellers . The Governments of Home ,
and Naples , and Tuscany , are . all bad Governments , according to our notions . They are all despotic , all intolerant , and nil ¦ oppressive ; yet there is all the difference in the world between them , as far as their subjects are concerned . The Government of Tuscany , however faulty , is still a Government . Life ^ and property , and enterprise , are erticiently protected under it . There is , therefore , a fair opening . for material progress and development ; and , in eons . equen . , the agricultural nnd uneducated classes' in Tuscany are well enough content . Now what all classes in Home and Naples require , is not « < j ; ood Government , in our sense of tho word , but a Government at all .
The old story about the two sides of the shield its especially applicable to travellers ; so much , ' in a traveller ' s impression , depends on the side from which ho enters a place , or the aspect from which he views it . When we last entered Florence , we enmc from the dead stagnation an d squalid torpor of the Papal States . On tlio present occasion wo wore fresh from the l . jlo nnd bustle of the Sardinian cities . But whatever may have been the cause , it seemed to uh tlint Florence had fallen oft * in activity nnd energy 'tflncu tlio days of the revolution . r JLMio ¦ rdioiis looked Ivm bi-iUiuufc , the than
streets less crowded , thy pnliii-w moro umgy of old . At the time , too , that wo happened to be there , the capital was in mourning for tho death oi tho young Saxon IVineiw , who luul V oeU but lately married to tho Crown IVinoo of luscany . A few months before wo had boon at Dresden , when tho news came , that ono of tho royal Princesses , tho bride of ll > d Archduke of Austria , had died suddenly— -another was now dead , and a third was dying whan wo loft Itoty . ' Tho Ducal family are dotostcd at Florence , which ih of course the head-quarters of tho Liberal party in Tuscany , and by a reversion of feolim , not unknown oven in our own country , tho poor Crown Princess , whom
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), March 26, 1859, page 19, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_26031859/page/19/
-