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Leader (1850-1860), 25th October 1851, Edition Country of 2, Page 10, 1014 Q£t)e iLea&tf** [Saturday ,

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      Agitation At Its Ebb. If England Could B...

      old birds . What then ? What we said in the brief comment that Mr . Harney attacks was , that the Association proposes to give the suffrage to almost everybody—to everybody who is rated , by himself or his landlord , to the poor—every body who can give his address . Nothing is said about " ratepaying clauses "; and most of us are rated to the poor , whether whether we pay the rate or not . Now , we should be glad to see the suffrage given to almost everybody . " We should prefer explicit and unqualified universal suffrage ; but we prefer a suffrage of six-sevenths to a suffrage of oneseventh in the population . As to the other items of the Charter , we should get them more easily with an extended franchise than with the present . Therefore we support the six-sevenths franchise .

      While the Chartist Conservatives are denouncing the Parliamentary Reformers for not commanding success which the Chartists are still further from attaining , it is curious to notice hints that the Whig-idolizers are getting up some mild agitation to supply Lord John with a harmless " pressure from without , " and to decoy the easy agitationswayed public into leaving real movement for the purpose of supporting Lord John and his shadow . which

      But the very confusion and suspense into all parties are fallen are to us signs of hope . These " movements" are proofs that the public conscience feels the necessity of accomplishing some advance , if it could but make up its mind what to do . We are in favour of all who do make an advance—who really go forward . We are biased in favour of the wayfarer who manfully makes way , rather than of him who says that , if he could only get the seven-leagued boots , he would do the whole journey at a stride . Our objects include matters which the orthodox Chartists of the old school

      used not to take into the account—we desire the fullest and freest amount of political power for the whole People , we promote the right of every man to a subsistence by labour guaranteed on the land and property of the country , we strive to promote that perfect freedom in spirituals which would develope true Catholic religion administered through a real Church of the nation . For the day—day after day—we are with those who really move on . We estimate politicians in part by their success—one real test of merit . And in the desire for action , we do not undervalue vigorous language , or a hearty spirit of

      fellowship-Let us not be misunderstood . The pen that writes these words is held by a hand that will not abandon the active politicians of the workingclasses while their best organization lasts . The Charter Association has done much , and its machinery is too good to be broken up . It ought still to do good service in organizing the action of the People . But we have less faith in any statute , even in " the People ' s Charter , " than in that indestructible and indefeasible Charter , the spirit of the People . We have little respect for politicians

      whose words are larger than their achievements ; we have little agreement with politicians who tell the People that they ouyht to have the Charter ; since we believe that a People united and resolved can have whatever it demands . It is not the Charter that we desire , but the power to exact the Charter ; and for that power the People must look to themselves . They will not find it in criticisms on the shortcomings of other less speculative but more active politicians ; they will find it in the hearty spirit of mutual faith and good will that used to animate Englishmen in national enterprises .

      1014 Q£T)E Ilea&Tf** [Saturday ,

      1014 Q £ t ) e iLea & tf ** [ Saturday ,

      The Campaign Of 18.12. Tiik Progress Of ...

      THE CAMPAIGN OF 18 . 12 . Tiik progress of events confirms us in the belief that Absolutism and National Freedom are systematically taking sides for a new and not . distant struggle ; that . Absolut ism is , for the moment , gaining ground and consolidating its forces ; that the English Government is guilty of complicity in that reconsolidation of Absolutism ; hut that new powers have been practically called into heintf , with every promise of a victory for the Peoples . The reader will share the interest with which we // lance at the newest , evidences of this coming counter-movement .

      The position of that confederacy which in best expressed by the embodied policy of Austria and Russia , has greatly improved since JHIh . We anticipated no success for the Peoples until thn / should be united : they were not united in lHtH , mid they did not succeed . The Absolutist powers were united , they remained united—far more so in truth than they seemed to be ; and hy favour of the reaction since 1848 , they have succeeded in drawing their confederacy closer and rendering

      their organization more complete . Prussia , which was playing a game of its own , and tried to carry out that game at the outbreak of the revolution , has been frightened and driven back to the " Holy Alliance . " The Pope , who had grown somewhat independent , has been wholly subdued to Austria , and has become Ghibelline ! Tuscany has lost its moral independence both of Pope and Emperor . Hungary has lost its independence , SchleswiHol

      and is a mere Austrian province . g--stein , which had become Germanic , is now to be incorporated with Denmark ; the Duke of Augustenburg bought off ; and , by a process which consolidates the Sclavonian Monarchy , Denmark is made the grateful client of its patron Russia . Thus the important power Prussia , and the outlying provinces of the Holy Alliance , are brought together , and made more handy for the approaching struggle . _ . .

      " England , " as our Foreign M inister is called , has helped to bring about this result , so favourable to Absolutism . By shouting " Independence " through the mouth of Lord Minto in Italy , the English Government inveigled the Italians into trusting it ; and there it ended : only Sardinia had been seduced into being " constitutional" and exclusive , and had been withdrawn from hearty accord in the national councils ; and Sicily had been diverted from setting up a republic by the proposal to set up an independent kingdom—which was dropped into the hands of Filangieri . The

      Foreign Minister gave to France a licence , in the shape of a formal " protest" against the occupation which restored Rome to the Pope and the Pope to Austria . England so discountenanced Prussia in her liberalizing procedure , as to help to drive her back to the Holy Alliance . England first supported Schleswig-Holstein , and then Denmark . That same England , by the Pacifico sally , had frightened Greece into blind reliance on Russia . That same England is now setting the Pacha of Egypt against his master the Sultan—the Turk who released Kossuth and is disliked by Russia .

      A word to " reformers , " political and financial , who are calling for retrenchment and for reforms that do not involve the overthrow of existing Governments . The system which enables the Absolutist powers to act thus together , is rendered an effective whole by the one link of Diplomacythat department which we suffer to carry on its operations in secresy ! The system demands for its procedure standing armies and national debts ; the Five Powers alone sustain armies amounting to two millions of men , and national debts amounting to £ 1 , 300 , 000 , 000 ! Our debt was incurred mainly to set up that system ; our army is kept up chiefly to maintain the system of governing

      Europe hy bureaux . And we are told that it is conducive to " peace " and " oeconomy " to discountenance the nations that rise against such a system ! Now we say that principles dear to Englishmen—that English princip les—principles of freedom , nationality , sound oeconomy , and the true alliance of nations , can never be enforced until we break down that system . We also affirm that English principles are about to be maintained in Europe by the patriots , and that the conduct of our Government will again be directed to sustain the power of Absolutism which oppresses the Peoples to ( ax them , and taxes them to oppress them . Thus will the Government of England act so loni ^ as the People of England

      permit it . Why then do we hope ? Because there are many signs of a growing strength in the Peoples ; because the idea of a real alliance of the Peoples has been seized , by their leaders themselves . Kossuth is acting with Maz / . ini—Hungary will he allied with Italy . The President of Fiance evidently feels that a national policy has the best chance of success ; and even if he have not the heart to carry out such a policy , his late proceedings have helped to mark the fact . Even in England , overriden as it is hy indiflV'rentisni , selfishness , and a timidity new to the history which comprises a Cromwell and a Wellington , we cannot repress souk ; of the old spirit , which hursts forth to meet the Governor of Hungary even before he

      . It is so in America . The idea which we have thrown out , of an American Legion taking its place in the battlefield of Europe , has not fallen upon an inattentive public . ft is canvassed with animation . We anticipated no little opposition to it . It was adverse to the old traditions of the Republic ; to the precepts handed down hy the fathers of its policy , Washington und Jefferson . The habit of

      thinking after them makes the Republicans shrink fro appearing in Europe . But the Atlantic has now been too completely bridged for that precept to h observed . Europe will appear first in America if America appear not first in Europe . The keen sighted Republicans discern that fact . Thev will not wait for their " Government "—They neve do . They already anticipate the arrival of Kos suth with enthusiasm ; and the enthusiasm will not abate when he is among them . They are already providing for money contributions . Will their young men be wanting ? If they come will

      , it not be as easy to organize them into a Legion as to bring them , disorganized ? and if they are organized , with a General at their head and the star spangled banner waving over them , will not their place on the field of glory be known ? W hen the Democracy of the world is ranged against the Despotism of the Families , will the Republic imitate the Bureau of England , and shrink from its chivalrous duty ? The Republic never shrinks . Nor do we believe that the English people will continue to do so . A time is approaching when Monarchy will be tried . May it not be found

      wanting in this country ! Our colonies are murmuring strangely on this subject . There is not one of them that has not some practical grievance to allege against the Government in Downingstreet—not one ; some grievance at once an indignity and an injury . More troops are wanted for the Cape . Already has a new " star-spangled banner" appeared in the Thames—the flag of the five Australian States . At a time when Monarchy is brought to trial , when America is seen aiding the Peoples against the official oppressors that farm the civilized world for the benefit of the

      families , are not the colonies likely to urge the interests of their Peoples upon the Government in Downing-street ? Every week renders such a juncture more probable . Already the Cape is calling for " more troops . " Will it be convenient to send them in 1852 ? Will the English People be content to see colonies given up in a panic ? Will not the English People rather say , Let us have a Government strong in will , strong in popular confidence , strong in the alliance of the Peoples . Such a Government would be a blessing to England and to Europe . And it is to be had , if active politicians will only set to work the influences thai must call it into being .

      Progress Of Assurance. The Mutual Flllnc...

      PROGRESS OF ASSURANCE . THE MUTUAL FlllNCIPLE . Promoters of Life Assurance have but lately seen the importance of popularising the system . They have discoursed learnedly , and brought a frightful amount of figures and logarithms to bear upon the subject , but that which is really important has been neglected . The simple reversionary principle of Assurance has been , in modern times , expanded to meet the wants of the assurer while living ; tables have been formed for the endowing of children , for securing an expected reversion , in fact , to meet most of the pecuniary contingencies of life ; while the surplus funds , instead of remaining a clog and fetter to the exertions of the association , are suffered to flow in various channels of beneficence . But it is in vain that all these advantages are devised , if the people aie not made acquainted with them , or if from want of understanding they mistrust their application . Lif ° Assurance only requires to be understood to be universally adopted , and we hope to see the day when the Assurance of men ' s lives has become as much a matter of course as the insurance of their houses and goods .

      Every endeavour to popularise Assurance meets with success fully commensurate with the means adopted . The series of articles which has appeared in the Leader has induced many of < mr readers to insure their lives , who confess that they rfhould not have neglected the duty if their attention had been culled to it popularly at un earlier period . It argues well for the understanding ol the people , as well an for the success of tlio system .

      that they are becoming aroused to the importance of Life Assurance . A spirit of inquiry has l » cj-n evoked : the people require information , l ' rcmi tno want of this information , and the intentional iiiihstatementH of nomo interested pcrHons , it w «> " ' feared that many , while inquiring for the » tifil an , . safest offices , may he precluded by illnc-HS or < ie . »«« from taking advantage of any . Our opinion on the safety of the Mutual System has frequently been asked . There arc chunk ""^ in the country endeavouring to poison tho ullll < of the people ngainst Mutual Offices , and thus wo

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 25, 1851, page 10, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_25101851/page/10/