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    -Febbttamy 24,1855.] THE LEAD EB, 171

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    Imperial Parliament. Tjmt "Wl«»—Ministbu...

    ^ ho did rote for who now regretted they so . VnTo hUl warpawed , but he believed that scarcely a man W been ^ aageTmider its provisions . When the bill *^ bCrfKWd-g ivingthe Government credit for « , iTot * tt *» 8 said they were particularly possessed of—Strive capacity and political foresight-it ys irmnoMd that they had the measure cut and dried for HSdiate operation . Not so ; and even up to this mo--wntit was not known how it was to be earned out , and ^ nn what footing those persons whose services were ac-Se ^ wouldT placed . The result was , that France S beenengaging men , Germany had been placing her armies on a wariootiiJg— if not mobilising them , placing them in what was called a state of readiness for warbv which all the necessary horses and ambulances

    •* j . * . / ho * -tha armif >« cntild tftlcp . the field ill we prepared , so Aat the armies could take the field in 14 days Thus , then , this country would be unable to set men ' at all , or , if they did get men , they would be the scum of Europe . With respect to German cavalry , two or three months ago a foreign gentleman suggested to the Government where the best horses could be obtained but not a step had been taken in consequence of that informAtion , and now the difficulty of obtaining horses was greatly increased . The House was now asked to permit the Government to raise 14 , 000 men abroad , -Oponwhieh point he hoped some information would be given . Then , with respect to Asia Minor , they had been told that large contracts would be made in that

    country , but . the very gentleman whom he ( Mr . layard ) had mentioned as best calculated to enter npon those contracts had -written to him to say that months ago he offered contracts to the Government , which they refused . He then went to the French Government , who accepted them , and that gentleman was now buying up all the cattle that could be got for transport and consumption on account of the French Government , so that now it would be very difficult for this country to obtain those supplies in' that quarter . Last year he ( Mr . Layard ) suggested to the Government to take measures for the employment of Turks , who were admirable material for soldiers , although their present officers were bad . Those unfortunate men who had been

    employed with our army had been thrown into the Crimea without provision for their wants—they had been treated by our soldiers and officers in a manner Which he regretted exceedingly , and which was unworthy of English soldiers and English officers—theyjiad been driven almost to death by the treatment they had experienced in the Crimea—they were regarded only as beasts of burden— -were insulted—even struck by our men . Was this statement true , or was it not ? If true , vtbb that conduct sanctioned by the authorities out there , or by those at home—and had any step 3 been

    taken to put an end to such a system ? He was now told that 20 , 000 Turks had been engaged to serve under British orders , but he feared that measure would be too late . Such had been the past conduct—the " antecedents , " as they were called—of those who composed the present Cabinet ; and it was proper to inquire upon what grounds the House could be called upon to declare its confidence in the new Administration . Supposing Mr . Roebuck ' s motion to be carried out , the committee would be sitting in judgment on the present Admistrationr It "would "again-become ^ -a- want -of-confidence , motion . The new Government did not cut at once to

    the bottom of any existing evil , but merely sent out a commission of inquiry . We have sufficient facts before us to judge without commissions . At the head of the commissariat there was a gentleman seventy years _ of age ; and that commissariat was in such a condition that our men had been starved . Were not these facts sufficient to warrant the recal of the head of the department without further inquiry ? What had been done with regard to the medical staff ? Nearly three months ago a commission was sent out to inquire into its state , yet the same state of things existed . Dr . Home was at its head , and Mr . Lawson , instead of being removed from his post , had been sent to Scutari , where he was put at the head of the hospital , and was thence removed

    to Rhodes . Nothing had been gained by that . Ho believed that no man possessed greater or more eminent abilities than Sir J . McNclll , who was going on this duty , because ho bolieved it to bo a sacred duty to do so ; but he was no longer a young man , and his health was so weak that he had hitherto been obliged to decline those high appointments to which his abilities entitled him . It was physically impossible that he should go into every hole and corner of the camp , and expose all existing evils . The result would bo that , like © very other man employed either by the late or the present Administration—for they were the same ( cheers ) —ho would lose a well-earned reputation ; he would

    not bo able to euro tho evils complained of , and the Government would place upon hia head tho blame which ought to fall upon others . What need was there for a commission Upon tho transport service ? At the head of that service was a Captain Christie , an old gentleman more than seventy years of ago , who could not loavo his fthip after dark witlumt endangering his'life from catarrh , and who for five or six days had been unable . to land at Balaklava . Was then tho state of that harbour tobowon . dored at ? Wore they going to send out a commission to inquire how old Captain Christio was , and what was tho state of Balaklava harbour ? There was not' a' bdy in tho streets who could not toll that . What was wanted was not commissions , but men . Tho country was sick

    of commissions . He knew it had been said that men could not be found ; but to say so was an insult to the common sense of the country . If the test of a man was that he should be above seventy years of age , should be a member of Brookes ' s , and should always vote for Government , it might be difficult to find such a one who could carry on business properly ; but do not let him be told that in a country possessing such material resources as ours , and in which such great works , were undertaken as he saw accomplished in England , they could not find a man to set in order Balaklava harbour , or to put the army into a state of efficiency . ( Cheers . ) " If you want the opinion of the army as to who ought to command them , why not let them go to the ballot-box ? If

    you went to the Artillery , for example , and said , ' Now , every one write upon a piece of caper the name of the man whom he thinks most competent to command the Artillery , and put it into the ballot-box ; ' there would be but one name come out . I would stake my existence upon it . Why , then , send commissions to inquire whether this man is capable or that man ? If you want to act vigorously don't send a man an implied censure , and then when you are asked whether he is recalled , say that he is not recalled , when you have insulted him , and know that he must come home . Is that worthy of the country?—Is it manly?—Is it English?—No . If a man is incompetent , recal him ; but if he is not incompetent , have the manliness to say that he is not so , and stand

    by him . If you will do that , I undertake to say that the country will support you to a man . Well , such are the propositions contained in the noble lord ' s speech . I have perused it very carefully , and , with the exception of allowing Lord Raglan to be a kind of head scavenger , there appears to be nothing else proposed by the Government . Yes , there is one other thing . You are sending out General Simpson to look after the staff and to make alterations and reports . That is a great ? mistake . You cannot go on with such a system of divided authority . General Simpson may be the ablest military man that ever lived—he may be the man of all others whom you should have chosen for an appointment of this kind under other circumstances ; but , I ask , is it fair to

    Lord Raglan—is it fair to the public service—to send out a man in the position of General Simpson ? If you had in this country a regularly organised staff of which General Simpson was the head— having risen through all the grades of that staff , as the head of the staff in France rises—that would be another thing . But you make a new appointment ; and you send out a man to look into the conduct of Lord Raglan ' s staff , the members of which he has appointed himself . Now , has Lord Raglan assented to this , or has he not ? Does he admit that his staff is incompetent , or does he not ? If he does admit that it is incompetent , why not send home the officers who compose it ? But if he does not , how are you insulting him by sending out men to inquire into it ?

    ( Loud cries of ' Hear , hear . ' ) Do not send out all these commissions . If you must have inquiry , send out a man in . whom you have confidence ; and if he will not dine every day with the officers of the staff , but will do as I did , and go about and mix with the regimental officers , I will warrant that he will learn in a very few days where the real evil exists . So much for the _ actual ^ measures . _ suggested ^ y _ the _ jGj > vernmentj for I see no other definite proposals beyond these . There is nothing said about the Horse Guards . I thought everybody admitted that that was a great sink of iniquity ; yet there is nothing about its reform in any proposition of the Government . I don't want to look at mere facts alone , but I want to look at principles—not that I wish the Government to say that in a few hours

    they will carry out those principles , but that they will be prepared in a general sense to act upon them . Depend upon it the country will not be satisfied with the appointment of 60 sergeants . They are no longer in a humour to take as a concession and a privilege that which they demand as a principle and a right . Unless a radical change is effected in the Horse Guards , depend upon it that the country will not be satisfied with anything that you may do , Tho Government themselves admit that the state of the army is desperate . I saw with considerable surprise a passage in a speech made recently by" tho right hon . gentleman who till lately held the office of Secretary at War , and which is so remarkable that , perhaps , the House will permit me to read it . The right hon . gentleman Bays : —

    ' We have had that war to wage by the instrumentality of an army which is ono of the finest and noblest that ever left tho shores of England—which never met tho enemy except to conquer , but which , I regret to say , has mot with an enemy more fell and more dangerous to it than the actual foe , —that is , disease . ' Is there nothing else which it has met with ; is there no neglect—no mal-administration which it has encountered ? Ho then goes on to insinuate that it is to tho

    House of Commons refusing to support an army equal to tho emergencies of the public Bervice that thia state of things is to bo attributed . Now it is very cany to throw tho blamo from ono person to another . Tho general in comn \ and soya that ho is crippled by tho authorities at home . Tho Government at home nay ( hat lie docs not pursue the instructions which aro sent out to him . Ho throws it upon tho regimental ofllcora . Tho right hon . gentleman eays that the soldiers arc to j lumc . Everyone concerned blames ovoryono else , and ,

    at last , all agree to blame the House of Common * . Well , let . us investigate the accuracy of that charge . Jf it jbe the House of Commons that is to blame , let the people of this country force the House of Common * to do Its duty . I , for one , do not believe that the blame is to be attributed to the House of Commons . I see by the estimates that this House has year after year voted sums of money almost sufficient to support the armies of France , or of the other great Continental Powers . It is not , then , the fault of the House of Commons , but it is to the mal-administration of the money which has been voted that the real blame is to be attributed . I do not believe that the most urgent reformer has ever objected

    to a vote taken for a good purpose—no man objects to such votes ; but what is objected to is the system of favouritism and the general system at the Horse Guards . I will tell the House where the mischief lies . There is , in the first place , a general fear of taking any responsibility ; everyone is afraid to act with vigour , and , with the permission of the House , I will mention two anecdotes to illustrate my position : —One day , as I was going up to the lines of the army , in company with a gallant officer , we met a number of carts containing men suffering from disease and wounds , some of whom I believe died on the passage down , and with that convey there were only two or three guards , — -privates of the line . I was astounded that there was no medical man

    in charge of so many wounded and sick men , and I went to Lord Raglan , and he was brought to see that convoy . Lord Raglan expressed that indignation which every honourable and humane man must feel at such a circumstance , and he instituted an inquiry . It was found that the medical men and officers had neglected their duty , and Lord Raglan published a general order , in which he stated that the conduct of certain persons had been disgraceful , but he added that he Would spare their feelings and not mention their names . ( Loud cries of ' Hear , hear . ' ) I can honour and reverence those feelings in a man , but I cannot honour or reverence such feelings in a general , ( Cheers . " ) What was the result ? I will tell the House .. Two days afterwards , some

    marines having been landed from the fleet and put under the command of the colonel who had the charge of Balaklava , 'they were employed upon the same duty as the troops of the line . At night , while on . gtfard , one of the men was seized « with cholera , and was taken to the hospital , but the medical man refused to leave his bed , saying that the man could not be admitted ,, as he was a marine . He was then taken to another hospital , where he was also refused admittance , and the poor fellow was leftTuponthe shore to die * Thatisircumstance came to the notice of Lord Raglan , arid what course did he adopt ? He condemned the medical officers , but he said that he had recently issued a general order reflecting on the conduct of medical officers , and if he so soon issued another confidence in the medical Btaff would

    be destroyed . I do not want to say a single word against Lord Raglan . I believe Lord Raglan to be an amiable and good man , but what I say is , that it is not for amiuble and good men alone to command armies . The men to command armies should be men of iron will and unflinching determination—* men ready to sacrifice relations , private friends—even all they hold dear in the world , if it be necessary to do so , in order to perform wfiatTai an impefative'duty : ( Cheert . ) — Send out a man of vigour who will cut at the root of the evil , who will spare no one or nothing if he deems it to be his duty to cut it down . If you do so at once , there may be a chance-of saving the survivors of your gallant army ; if you do not , they will all perish , and on your beads be their blood . ( Cheers . ) I am told by the right hon . gentleman the Secretary for the Colonies that the British

    army is not accustomed to great campaigns , and that we cannot , therefore , do that which * can bo done by tho French . Well , sir , that is not true . I do not mean to impugn tho right hon . gentleman ' s veracity ; but what I mean is , that tho assumption is false . Are not our campaigns and battles in India greater than those of tho French in Algiers ? Has there been a battle in Algiers greater than that of Sobraon , or a campaign greater than that of Affghaniatan ? Are the services of men engaged in Buch campaigns to bo surpassed by those of men who have spent their lives in idleness ? Through a mean and paltry jealousy you do not employ men who lmv

    tho East India Company . And for that reason you pass by men who have led their troops to glory , who have seen great campaigns , and you send out men of 70 years of age , who have novor seen war , and who scarcely know how to put n regiment through its evolutions , but who happen to posaoss Parliamentary Influence or family connexion . " Ho was told tho . Tunes excited all this outcry . What a . notion ! Was thoro any magic , hon , in Printing-houHO-aquaro ? He dared nay , in like manner , Charlca I . used to accuse tho Puritan progta , , .. „ . of exciting tho Revolution , wlionaa it was the jjflrtf ^ Ji ^ v of tho Involution that mode the preachy . £ & £ *« : fr + JS Voltaire

    tlal ; nnditwnn not ana «?^ T ^ 2 S 25 SE ?* $ ' the Revolution in France , but the fooling thmfgg ^ tet fW * . / J 6 effected * ' wna that which made Voltaire W WipettK ^ gft So , it was the public Indignation of Englanjljfl jjQK ^^^^ X ^ * tho Times what It now was , the feeling ^ S » J ™ SK 5 ^^ tp (^ £ monthnd produced In the country . ( Ch « er * fW * X ! Fti * f %£ * $£$£ £ j ^^ wsS / t

    -Febbttamy 24,1855.] The Lead Eb, 171

    -Febbttamy 24 , 1855 . ] THE LEAD EB , 171

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 24, 1855, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_24021855/page/3/