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Leader (1850-1860), 21st November 1857, Edition 2 of 2, Page 13, RE-ESTABLISHMENT OP POLITICAL :¦ • ; ¦ ¦...

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      The Military Position In India. The Poin...

      naval brigade had arrived at Benares , and was thus within twelve days of Cawnpore , where the English were almost impregnably entrenched , a sound basis of operations in Oude having been thus established . Several departures of artillery had taken place from Calcutta , and . three British regiments had gone up the valley . In Lord Canning ' s opinion , fortified by military authority , it is impossible to place a wing of Europeans in Cawnpore in less than

      twentyfive days ; but with an apparatus of proportionate magnitude , we assume a brigade might be sent up witbin a month . It is scarcely , however , a question of brigades . The one thing needful is , not to reconquer Oude at a blow , or even to transport the inmates of the Residency beyond the scene of warfare , but to collect forces under the flags of Havelock and Otjtuam which will place those commanders , with" the people under their charge , in absolute safety . No matter

      who holds , at present , the forts on the Grogra if Lucknow be unassailable , aud the districts thence to Cawnpore be continually penetrated by military arrivals from the coast . The works thrown up around the Residency with the additional troops , supplies , and materials thrown in , xnay be expected to keep out the inundation while affairs are maturing towards this result . We do not find , upon a close analysis of the intelligence , that any

      important co-operation was expected by the Nana . Sahib from other quarters of India . The mutineers from Delhi , although they would probably outmarch the British flying columns ^ could not make so much head as to appear in the camp before Luckuow without drawing after them , in close pursuit , the forces sent to render an account of the fugitives . Unable to maintain a defence they would form but indifferent allies to a chieftain conducting

      a siege . They had been trebly cut up— -in the city itself , and in two subsequent engagements , both resulting in their discomfiture . The army at Delhi , of course , cannot l ) e weakened in numbers so long as there are surrounding provinces flushed with the agitation of the revolt ; but , beyond that limit , all had gone well . The Punjab , though naturally still uneasy , was undisturbed , except by a few predatory outbreak s ; the Hurrianah district was generally tranquil ; round Mcerut

      and Bareuly the excitement had subsided . Below , at Agra , the English garrison , though crowded and not in good health , was prepared for any attack ; but could not hope to prevent the enemy from talcing up a strong position in their neighbourhood , should he venture upon the enterprise . The danger threatened from Gwalior ; but from that territory we learn that Scindiaii had been enabled to check considerably the operations of his mutinous contingent , and to raise

      levies almost equivalent to their entire number . Indeed the Mubratta chiefs , with scarcely an exception , remain firm and faithful to the British rule , thus falsifying one of the many random predictions in which Mr . Disraeli has indulged . But the most gratifying indication is , that everywhere , excepting Oude , the hulk of tho people are unmistakably friendly to our Government . Even the inhabitants of Rohilcund , although temporarily held down by the insurgent military class

      are understood to bo anxious for tho restoration of European authority . At all points , wherever the English have taken up n regular military position , it appears to bo unassailable , the few successes of the rebels being those of surprise aud treachery . One of tho consequences anticipated in India as likely to follow the great triumph of Dolhi , was the confirmed tranquillit y of tho Bombay Presidency , in which , beyond a doubt , " a seditious loaven had been strongly working

      tainting , we learn , some wealthy natives whose names figure on the lists of the Indian Eelief Fund ! Madras is reported safe , a blood feud having been established between the Madrasees and the insurrectionary Sepoys of Bengal . As for the supplementary province of Sindh , it is astonishing that , with its

      turbulent military population still rankling under the sense of subjection , its restlessness has not been more violent or dangerous- But wherever a rigid hand has been held over the natives , they have been cowed , or speedily coerced . The policy of Lahore should have been the policy of Calcutta ; Sir John Lawrence should be where Lord Caknin &

      is—Baron Lawrence , not a Knight of the Bath "We might then have been spared half the ruin and half the bloodshed which we have paid as the price of sickly civiliauistn and crotchety maladministration . The Punjab has been mercifully governed , without Leniency Circulars ; Bengal has been devastated by Clemency . But we are glad to know that , goaded as our soldiers have been , their bayonets have not been wantonly used in the

      moment of victory . According to all accounts the army , after the capture of Delhi , behaved with general moderation and humanity . This , of course , adds to the solidity of our position in India—a position which is not yet relieved from peril , but may be expected to be held firmly until the steamers and immense bullock-traiiis reported to be in readiness bring up masses of reinforcement from the coast .

      No. 400, November 21,1857.J The Leader. ...

      No . 400 , November 21 , 1857 . J THE LEADER . 1117

      Re-Establishment Op Political :¦ • ; ¦ ¦...

      RE-ESTABLISHMENT OP POLITICAL : ¦ ; ¦ ¦;; ; ¦¦;¦ UNIONS . ; V , / ' ' ... \ Tiee statement published in these eolumns a fortnight ago , with respect to the Guildhall Coffee-house meeting , has been circulated l ) y the principal journals of the kingdom , and lias been the means of induciug the Reform Committee to declare its views . We , of course , refrained from a verbal reprint of the circular ; but , as our readers are familiar with every point it contains , it is unnecessary to dwell upon the character of the programme thus announced . Two or three words of explanation , however , may not be superfluous . We beg our Liberal contemporaries not to believe that it is with a desire to embarrass any section of the Liberal party that we insist upon united public action . If the gentlemen named are in earnest they will have doue with private , confidential , and exclusive assemblages , and the entire strength of the new combination , with that of the indefatigable Ballot Soeietj '—itself accused of restrictive hankerings — will be brought to bear with

      courage and persistence upon tho opinion of the country . As to Mr . Roebuck , we believe that we are fully aware of the part he has taken in assisting the movement and in framing the address ; Mr . Roebuck is a politician , and well knows that he is liable to political criticism ; but neither we nor any other representatives of Liberal principles can have in view any object but that of promoting tho common cause of Reform , and it is with satisfaction we observe that not only have the Wood-street Leaguers consented to lay aside their shroud , but that the secret of the

      Cabiuct has been extorted , and it is confessed that Lord Palmerston is disposed , if possible , to evade tho pledge of last session . Well , an advantage has been gained . Reform is once more a topic of tho day . Tho working classes are agitating it , and we have received many declarations of sympathy with the sontinients wo have expressed as to the value of an open and cordial association of nil classes of Refonnera . They have one grand point to gain ; it is before them ; they now know that tho Government will avoid concession until it ia wrung from it ; they have seen

      Toryism disgraced until it las been ' bestridden by an adventurer like Mr . Disbaeli ; and they have only to organize their own resources and . apply them . Bub how ? Mr . Roebuck himself shall give our friends a hint . He is a plain and a forcible speaker , and though he has not written a history of

      the First Reform Bill , he has contributed some valuable materials for future use . Before the'Act of 1832 was introduced into Parliament , the state of parties very much resembled what it is now . The great Whig families had almost entirely seceded from the Reform ranks ; Mr . Hobhouse hurled his invectives at them : and the Tories

      pretended to enjoy their recriminations . It was by little piecemeal changes , Mr . Roebuck says , that the Whigs tried to keep up their reputation as Liberals . The divisions between them and the Reformers became daily more marked . But the body of the people was animated by a desire for political power , and the body of the governing classes refused to surrender it . Then , Mr . Roebuck tells us what the people did . In every place which had the right of returning members to Parliament a Reform Committee was

      organized . The Opposition tried delay , exactly as Lord Paljierston is trying it , and the world out of doors' began to ask the question , ' Are we bound to wait the pleasure of these interested and factious opponents ? ' The Political Unions resolved in the negative ; ¦ They can do it again . Another Thomas Attwood may be deputed to write and inquire whether Lord John RuasEiiii intends to retreat with

      the Ministers , or to stay among "his friends . The movement might thus proceed steadily , if not rapidly , and Mr . Roebuck— so mighty are the influences and the temptations of popularity— might be induced to turn round and tell the supporters of Lord Palmebston , as he told the flatterers of another exalted personage , ' that he is ' a finished dissembler , always bitterly hostile to Reform . '

      Even the Tory prints — although abundantly endowed wit lithe attribute classically ascribed to the fly—will not affirm that every cotisiderable town does not contain at least teamen interested iu the promotion of Parliamentary Reform . If these ten would unite and act—in concert , perhaps , with a London Committee—the question might be taken out of Lord Palmierston's hands . It is not for

      the Liberal party to receive the dictations of any Cabinet . All the ministerial objections amount to no more than special pleading , and an artful attempt to confound the third session of 1857 with that of 1858 . Are both those sessions forestalled ? There is now a programme before the country . What towns will set the example of appointing committees to vote whether the principles set forth are deserving of adoption ?

      Payment Of The Indian Damages. Amongst T...

      PAYMENT OF THE INDIAN DAMAGES . Amongst the inquiries which the House of Commons will urge sooner or later in the session to open on the 3 rd of December , will be a request to see the bill of costs for putting down the Indian mutiny . As yet we can see only the commencement of the account , but Aye know that it will be heavy . About 40 , 000 troops have been shipped for India ; the supply must be kept up , and we cannot reckon

      at less than 50 , 000 already engaged tor . But every man landed in India is estimated to cost 1002 .-500 , 000 / . to begin with . Some amount of naval reinforcement , and a considerable amount of artillery stores lmvebeen . sent out ; wo can soon make out the roxuid million . Indeed , it is well known that aa aoon as war commences , it proceeds at tho rate of some millions annually ; and although wo linvo only tho commencement of the account , wo cannot expect to got off under

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 21, 1857, page 13, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_21111857/page/13/