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    March 21,1857.] THE LEADER. 277

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    THE TRUTH ABOTJT NAPLES. We are in a pos...

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    POLITICAL ASPIRANTS. A genetial election...

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    The Tory Manifesto. Lord Derb Y Has, Thr...

    Some have thought that Mr . Diseahi is rather outgrowing the satisfaction of his chief ; there has been a talk , even in this session , of his being superannuated by his party , on a retiring allowance ; and if Lord Palmerston has outgrown the ardour of youth , he has a chance of becoming the successor of Mr . Diseaeli .

    March 21,1857.] The Leader. 277

    March 21 , 1857 . ] THE LEADER . 277

    The Truth Abotjt Naples. We Are In A Pos...

    THE TRUTH ABOTJT NAPLES . We are in a position , -we believe , to state the actual facts connected -with the recent operations of British and French diplomacy at Naples . It is often the fault of those who attack the Government in or out of the House of Commons , to overstate their case , as Mr . Disraeli overstated his when lie

    declared the existence of " the secret treaty , " thus converting a discovery into a blunder . The simple truth is , that when Great Britain and France undertook to exert a pressure upon the Government of Naples , it was felt , as lias been correctly stated by the Morning Star , that the Neapolitan people contemplated a change of government , and ¦ would probably take advantage of the allied demonstration to break into general insurrection . The question then arose , ¦ ¦¦ -what , course

    Prance ^ and England should adopt in the presence of such an eventuality . It was distinctly intimated by Louis Napoleon" that he could not permit a llepublican Government to be established in Naples ; but it was suggested that the Neapolitans should accept Prince Murat as their constitutional king . Lord Palicerston would not countenance this scheme ; and we believe it -will be found he expressed himself to the effect that , opposed as Great Bxutain

    must be to the creation of a Muratist kingdom in Italy , she preferred Constitutionalism to a ilepublie ; there was no promise given or implied , that British force should be employed to suppress an Italian revolt anywhere . Of course , there was the formal expression of a hope that the Neapolitans would not proceed to extremities ; - "but the point at which the French and British Governments parted , was that at which Louis Napoleon disclosed his Muratist scheme ,

    a project lying at the bottom of all his Italian diplomacy . Lord Paxmebston resisted it with the utmost decision ; he saw that it was impossible to advance another step in conjunction with Ifrance ; Louis Naioleow understood clearly enough that without engaging England he could not hope for success ; and thus , when , the expedition had been prepared , and Naples expected the coming of the fleets , a difference of policy between the two cabinets neutralised all the measures that had been taken .

    It will bo seen from this that the versions hitherto published have been substantially incorrect as well as incomplete . Lord Palmeeston did not undertake to suppress a ^ Republican movement in Naples , he never ottered to bombard the capital ; he merely objected to a Muratist conspiracy , and exchanged some diplomatic notes on the probability of a ltepubliean insurrection which resulted in no pledge being given on either side . " We even doubt whether French intervention in N / aples would ho tolerated by Lord Palmeuston ' s Government .

    The moral of this narrative is identical with that which we have frequently deduced from events arising out of tho Anglo-French alliance . Two Governments based on totally hostilo principles can never co-operate with any advantage to mankind ; in tho present instance , the empirical action of England lias barel y sufficed to check tho imperial action of France ; but it is of no advantage to any principle or party to misrepresent

    circumstances in themselves sufficiently deplorable . It is enough that Naples has been agitated and disappointed by tbe diplomacy of the allied Powers ; we predict the failure , however , of every attempt to implicate Lord Pai > meeston in an act of positive treachery . He may not be a Liberal ; he may not declare all his opinions ; but he lias the heart of an English gentleman , and the grounds of his differences with Louis Naw > leon , in connexion with the affairs of Naples , were rather honourable than otherwise to his judgment and to his personal character .

    Political Aspirants. A Genetial Election...

    POLITICAL ASPIRANTS . A genetial election invariably brings forward two classes of aspirants , — -independent men , animated by public spirit , and desirous of giving effect to general liberal opinions , and men who , having carried on for some years a retail business in politics , are desirous of trading , for the future , on a parliamentary scale

    . There is a third class , composed of individuals whose candidature is not serious , but who , haying an interest in publicity , take advantage of a general election to publish a personal advertisement calling attention to themselves ; but these gentry may be dismissed very -summarily in a ' supplementary paragraph . It is observable that , since the announcement of the

    dissolution , several names of untried aspirants have been brought conspicuously under the notice of the Liberal party . Among the most ... ¦ ' prominent is that of Sir Aethub Hall am Elton , who , in 1852 , contested the eastern division of Somersetshire . This gentleman is an independent Liberal , who lias thought out his opinions , who seeks to enter the House of Commons with no personal object save the honourable ambition of public life , who has never trafficked in-politics , or

    concealed his opinions for the sake of popularity . Such a man would materially add to the strength of the Liberal party in the Legislature—to its moral influence , and to its intellectual authority , and therefore to its chances of success . Surely , a nondescript Mr . " Wat , whose sole qualification appears to he a near relationship to a young man of fortune , can have no chance against the man who fought the battle of Free-trade when Protection was in office . " We do not wish to institute

    offensive comparisons , but it is a duty to warn our more impetuous friends against those stock-politicians who advocate constitutional changes which they know to be impracticable , and social theories which all rational men know to be impossible . Place thorn in Parliament , and Parliament would extinguish them , exactly as it extinguished poor Fjeaiigus O'Connor , and Mr . Gkokge Thompson-, neither the ono nor "the other cvei * making

    the slightest figure in that assembly . Even Cohbett was comparatively ineffective in the presence of Sir Kobeut Pjsel . And what would be the fate of Mr . Henry Vincent , were tho electors of Bath to do that which , of course , they will not dream of doing , and constitute him their representative , burgess ? Ho would , to the end of his parliamentary career , be a dumb and wasted man , utterly unable to cope with tho spirit of tho Houseof Commons , deprived of his real vocation ,

    so honourable in itself , and devoted to another in which it would be impossible that he should succeed . Tho constituent classes in America , which mny be supposed to understand well ouough the workings of Liberal institutions , never commit tho mistake of qualifying for the Legislature , by their votes , tho parallels of Mr . Hknjiy Vincent and Mr . Bknest . Tonks . If these politicians have a sphere of usefulness , as lady lecturers call it , that sphere lies outside of tho House

    of Commons . These remarks do not apply to Mr . William Coningham , who , with many prospects of success , is canvassing Brighton against Lord Alfred Hebvey , whose Liberalism is of a tepid and Treasury fervour . Mr . Coningham is already an accepted representative of the forward Liberal party . In 1847 he polled nearly nine hundred votes at Brighton , and in 1852

    nearly eigliteen hundred votes for "Westminster . At one period we should have hesitated to describe him as a practical politician . From his recent conduct , . however , and the language of his addresses , it is evident that , without sacrificing the intensity of his convictions , he is prepared to recognize in Parliament the political exigencies of the day , and not to rush at chimeras for the sake of consistency . It

    cannot be fairly inferred from Mr . Coning-HAii ' s language that , he offers any homage to Lord Paltmlerston ; he supports his actual policy , but at the same time is an advocate for an extended franchise , the ballot , and the other measures included in the Liberal programme . We wish all success to Mr . Coninghiam , and we would remind the electors of Brighton that ho is the man to raise their constituency to an important political rank .

    Lambeth , appears to be perplexed by the candidatures of-Mr .-Wilkinson ,. ' 'Mr . William Williams , and Mr . HourELL . It would be satisfied ,. ' . perhaps , to elect all three , but that being impossible , it is necessary to make a selection . Mr . Williams has been more assiduous than Mr . Wilkinson in attending to his Parliamentary duties , but both are Liberals . Then why not re-elect both ? it maybe asked . Because we believe Mr . Wilkinson has too often by his votes or by his absence neutralized Mr . Williams . Because we should like to see Mr .

    Rotrpell returned to the Parliament of 1857 . lie is a local man , of considerable practical experience , a known Reformer , active , intelligent , devoted to his principles , and likely , we think , to render good service to the Liberal cause in the House of Commons . Moreover , Mr . Uoxjpell is gaining ground in Lambeth , and is likely to outstrip at least one of his opponents at the poll .

    We attach no importance to such a candidature as that ait ' ected by Mr . Jatvos Hawnay in an address to the electors of Dumfries . His sole claim upon , their . confidence is that he was born there ; but if that be a claim there might be a good many candidates for London . As far as we know anything of Mr . Hannay ho is addicted to genealogical studies , and to voyages of discovery among the classics , a very genial occupation for an

    adult student . Most men , however , havo forgotten all that the now candidate for Dumfries seems to havo detected in Pjj itsius and Maiitiai / . However , Inn feudal and classical principles may have conciliated tho Mansfield , Quhknsijehri ' , and BuoCTjEuair influences , though ' we rather doubt it . Twice , in former days , did a gentleman of t ho same name start far Dumfries—in 1832 and in 1835 — and on both occasions he was particularly well beaten .

    But avo were referring to politicians , to candidates whoso pretensions aro serious . Mr . Cox and Serjeant Paury , in . Pinsbury , have tangible claims upon the electors , who nro still amused , however , by tho fantastic syntax of Major ltisisD , though ho might ainuao" * tlicm still more by describing how he was returned as a Conservative by a hundred and twenty-five British frco and independent , at Abingdon . They heard of that fact , howover , from { Serjeant Pa it it r . Mr . John Stapltcton ia a promising Liberal aspirant at Berwick ; at Canterbury Mr , Pubtojs

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), March 21, 1857, page 13, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_21031857/page/13/