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History O3v Parliament. The New Militia ...
% . „ rtiafrwbat the noble lord the member for Tiverton ¦ ° -5 Ss w rol , when he declared he had left us in relai ^ f amity and security with all the nations of the world , m r ST The noble lord had , in fact , not shown the ( JS £ ents were unfounded which made the funds go up , T fear they will go down to-morrow . But , comparing £ e noble lord ' s statement now with . that which he made l JUS' we may find arguments to show why there is less Slier at presenfthan then of any attack from the Trench ff >> pe He asserted that we were as safe now as in 1848 from invasion ; that the present measure would be deservedly unpopular ; and that public meetings would certainly protest against it .
" What is it in effect ? A mere fraction of the community are to be drawn away from their- business and pur" to take on themselves the duty of soldiers , and to be put under martial law , —for what ? I say , that if substitutes are allowed to the rich , the burden of defending the country will fall upon a small section of the community chiefly of the poorer classes , that the mechanic , able to earn his 4 s . a day , will be " taken from his workshop and put under martial law to receive one shilling a day , that this will be a great injnstice , and that if you will have 150 000 of these men for soldiers , they ought to be paid , and well paid , by the country . It is a most flagrant hardship and injustice . ( Hear , hear . ) I say that there is no necessity on national grounds for this measure .
You have no business-to contemplate any invasion of your shores , if the numerous fleets for which you pay so large a sum are properly kept up and disposed of . You hav in that case no reason to dread invasion , whether by a few brigands or by a foreign army . " Disposing of the pamphlet of Baron Maurice , as detailing an impracticable scheme of invasion , he turned to another hinted at in the following extract from the United Service Gazette . " ¦ 'What we have to dread is , not an invasion , but a
hostile descent , throwing on some part of our coast a force of 10 , 000 or 12 , 000 men , who , although not strong enough to occupy the country , might do irreparable mischief-before they are subdued . A buccaniering expedition might even make its way into the Thames , and demand a Canton ransom from the metropolis of the world / fCNow this is a very grave and serious matter put forth by the editor . ( Hear , hear . ) But , in the first place , I take exception to it on this grounds—it is a libel on the French army . ( Cheers . ) I don't believe you could find a French officer to undertakeabuccaniering expedition of this kind without a declaration of war ( cheers ); and if you did , then the expedition would be an act of piracy . ( Hear , hear . ) If it be too high an appeal to make to French morality
and French honour to suppose they would not act in this way , there is still this appeal—that they will be pirates . I am told one of the objects of such an invasion would be to avenge Waterloo ; but how would it avenge that defeat , if they only came over here to be hanged ? ( Hear , hear . ) Again , Lam told they will burn our ships in Liverpool and Bristol . If they did , they would not burn English ships only ; but they would burn American , Dutchmen—vessels under every flag in the world , and the nation that warranted such , an act , and the Government that permitted it , would be hunted at least from the face of the ocean by all the ships of every maritime nation of the earth . These are the most serious arguments I have met with for the increase of our defensive armaments . Nay , I have no belief in anything of the kind / ' '
He hoped that the House would refuse the permission asked by the noble lord . When Mr . Cobden sat down , Lord Palmerston and Mr . Fox Maule rose together . The House londly called for Lord Palmerston , and Mr . Fox Maule gave way . Lord Palmebston took upon himself the credit of having proposed , in 1846 , the measures now deemed necessary for national defence . As to not mixing ourselves in continental quarrels , he quite agreed ; but wo had interest beyond our own shores , and these it would not he safe to stand quietly by and see destroyed .
Honourable gentlemen talked as if our only danger of rupturo was from France ; but France was not the only country with n largo fleet , and n largo disposable army . Our insular position is our weaknoss , as well ns our strength , the Channel is narrow , and , as Lord Howe said , the " boh is n wide place . " Continental nations « ro only -approachable by known roads , which can be fortified , watched , and defended ; our great oxtont of coast is open on every Bide . Ah to tho navy , that was « 8 efficient us it had over been , if not more offlciont , in proportion to its extent . But it would bo madness to rely only on our navy . - »
Sir , it is pcrfeotly impossible for any navy , however active , vigorous , and numerous , to prevent altogether the landing of a hotitilc force , when we consider the short interval between our own shores and those from which nn enemy might eomo , mid whence nn expedition might sail to soino spot of our wide-extending shores , and lnnd in ¦ Ireland , or any lesa guarded portion of tho country . If it J > o necessary , as I think it is , thut wo should have n hind loree—that we should have armed men to resist armed n > ° « - —for , as to fortifications , it ia useless for ua to think o * fortifying more than our arsenals and dockyards , and
such places of vital importance ,- —there is no fortification like brave men armed , organized , disciplined , and ready to meet an enemy . ( Loud cheers . ) That is the best fortification , and such a fortification you will always find in the hearts and arms of Englishmen ; but , if it be necessary that we should have armed men to meet the unfortunate possibility of an invasion—I hope not the probability ; and , mind , the less probable it will be the more you are prepared'for it .. ( Cheers . ) Nothing so much tempts as
Weakness and incapacity to resist , when to that is added enormous wealth , and a great temptation for political objects . ( Cheers . ) If it be necessary that this country should have a force capable of defending our homes against an invading army , and of protecting us from the incalculable calamity which would arise from the occupation of any portion of our country , even for a month , by an invading force , why then , I say , something like the mode proposed seems to me the best , if not the only possible mode of
doing so . It was all mighty well for people to talk of the hardship of defending their lives , homes , and property , fortunately , they did not know what were the horrors of war : but the people of the United States did not consider it a hardship . ( Cheers . ) Austria and Prussia have a similar force ; and even in France the disbanded national guard has been partially reorganized . We alone had no force of the kind ; and , considering our enormous wealth , there was no country in the world so defenceless . Now , the militia was the proper force to organize for this purpose . And that being so , he could not understand why Lord John Russell preferred the local to the regular militia , which was the old constitutional force of the country . Turning , then , to an obvious omission from Lord John Russell's scheme , he
fastened on it , and worked it up with great skill . "The regular militia , too , raised in Great Britain and Scotland , is liable to serve in the whole of the United Kingdom , and I am astonished that in a plan for the defence of the realm Ireland should be left without the protection said to be essential for the defence of this country . ( Hear , hear . ) The local militia can only be called upon to serve in Great Britain , and why Ireland is not provided for , I am at a loss to conceive . Do the government doubt
the loyalty of the Irish people ? ( Hear , hear . ) Why , Sir , J would pledge my existence that there is not a man in Ireland who would be called out , and who had taken the oath of allegiance , who would not lose his life rather than not defend his country against invasion . ( Cheers . ) I have the most complete confidence in the loyalty of the millions of Ireland . I am persuaded they would be true to the Queen and to their oath ; and as to their courage , that is sufficiently well known to need no mention from me . " ( Hear . )
He concluded that if we were to have a militia , as in his opinion we ought to have , it should be the regular and not the local militia . The House cheered loudly when the noble lord sat down . Mr . Fox Mauib in a few words echoed the speech of the premier ; taunted Mr . Cobden with being in favour of a standing army ; and Mr . Hume for calling the balloting a conscription . Mr . Newdegate admired Lord Pafonerston . Mr . Boche asked why Ireland was omitted , and Lord John Russell defended the omission on the ground of " difficulty , " and that Ireland did not require a militia . Mr . Sidney Heubekt supported the views of Lord Palmerston . Sir George Grey was put up to reply to him . He said that the difference between the local and the regular militia was
that the former was a defensive and the hitter an offensive force . We did not want now what was required at the conclusion of the last war , —a militia which would enable us to . set free every soldier in the country , not for internal defence , but to carry on a continental war . As to the objection that the local militia could not be ' moved as a body upon any particular point without its being-construed by foreign powers into a declaration of war , ho would answer , neither could tho general militia . Lord Palmerston replied to the first of these assertions by stating , that in 1814 we had 82 , 000 militiamen and 50 , 000 troops in the country ; and Mr . Sidney Herbert answered tho second l > y observing that tho law expressly provided for tho removal of tho general militia anywhere at any time .
Mr . Osboune here struck in , and took up one oi two points in Mr . jCoMon ' s speech , which all the other speakers had strangely omitted to notice . " Tho lion , member said that he had groat confidence in tho morality of tho French army . The morality of the French army ! The morality of any army ! Did tho . hon . member derive his confidence from the scenes lately enacted ? Was it from the successful fusillade on the Noulovards ? ( hear , hear ) , or from the execution done by tho artillery in other streets where the cannon was fired by Frenchmen on Frenchmen P Did tho hon . member suppose that Generals Enpinosso and St . Aniand would hesitate to attack this country when they had not hesitated to break nil laws , human and divine , ami place their own Legialut uro under arrest ? ( Cheers . )" . In other respects , ho defended not only tho measure , but the omission of Ireland from it . The Irish police
were the best Irish militia . Mr . Cobden explained that he meant to say that French officers would not be found to command an expedition sent out without a declaration of war . Mr . Trelawney , Mr . Alcoce :, and Mr . Anstey , supporjbed the measure ; Captain Scobell spoke equivocally . A resolution , that a bill should be prepared and brought in , was agreed to , a report ordered on Friday , and the House resumed . Lord Pahnerston the next day . gave notice that he should move that the word " local" be omitted , and to insert after the word " amend" the words " and consolidate . " This was received with loud cheering . ST . ALBANS' DlSFBANCHISEMENT .
Sir George Grey moved on Monday for leave to bring in a bill to disfranchise St . Albans . The ground for the motion was the evidence of corruption elicited by the commission . The characteristic of the debate which ensued was the appearance of Mr . Bell and Mr . Repton . Previously to their rising , some sparring took place between Sir De Lacy Evans and Mr . Ker Seymer respecting Harwich ; Mr . Seymer humorously describing the electors as " not perfectly virtuous , but prudent , and that was their safeguard ; " Mr . Bag-SHAW denying emphatically that there had been any corruption at Harwich since 1841 , and asserting that
the commission which Sir de Lacy Evans proposed to move for would produce the following wonderful effects . " The bad odour of the borough , " exclaimed Mr . Bagshaw , with a manifest disregard of metaphorical proprieties , " would at once be obliterated , and it would shine forth in its proper character . " Mr . Roebuck wished to do away with " shams . " If a man who sold his vote for a small bribe was corrupt , what was he who sold his borough for a large bribe ? Mr . Bell was loudly called for , but begged to postpone what he had to say . Lord Claude Hamilton coupled the Reform Club , " Coppock , " and Mr . Roebuck together ,
in a way that roused that gentleman , asking whether he had done his part to prevent corruption . Mr . Roebuck declared that his election cost him nothing , and although a member , he never went to the Reform Club . Mr . Spooner wanted to know whether it was true , as stated by Mr . Coppock , that he had procured government situations for persons who had been serviceable in carrying , elections . Sir George Grey -was totally ignorant of anything of the kind ; and he satirically observed that he " was glad to find from the warm
cheers with which the question of the hon . member was received , that there were no hon . gentlemen in the House who had ever applied to government for places for those who had rendered them services at elections . " ( Cheers and laughter . ) The calls for Mr . Bell now became so imperative , that he rose and said that during the whole of this " unfortunate transaction" he had been persuaded to hold his tongue , that he had consequently " laboured under the weight of an incubus , " and never had an opportunity of explaining or extenuating the charges brought against him .
" On the present occasion he was desirous of addressing a few words to the House , when he was particularly requested not to do so , ( loud laughter , and cries of ' hear , hear , ' ) but he had so often regretted not having earlier acted on his own judgment , that lie was determined not to be driven from his course again . ( Hear , hear . ) As this was the first time of addressing the House on the subject , he felt he ought to state that the reason why he had been silent was that a judicial inquiry was pending . Besides , there were others implicated in the proceeding who desired him not to say anything . ( Renewed laughter . ) That judicial inquiry had terminated , and the whole
responsibility of anything he might say rested on himself . Before saying anything respecting the borough , he thought it would bo proper to clear himself from tho extreme degree of culpability which appeared to rest upon him . It would appear from the report that he had gone down to St . Albans perfectly aware of its reputation , and with his eyes open . It was exceedingly easy—with all the proceedings of the ease before them—with the whole transactions mapped out after their occurrence—to say where tho mistake had been committed , ( laughter , ) where the errors had arisen . ( Continued laughter . ) Ho was sensible that ho had committed one great error , that was in going down to St . Albans at nil . ( Loud laughter . )"
Ho thought there would bo no opposition , but in that ho was deceived . Mr . Boll represented his simplicity ns perfect . " Having pledged himself to go to the poll , haying rigorously canvassed the electors —( laughter ) ,, —in order to secure their support ns speedily as possible , ho felt that ho could not retract , lie had no opportunity of erfenping from tho dilemma iu which ho found himself . When ho appeared in tho field , rumours arose , nrul increased , of improper practices in tho borough . Although ho saw no evidence of anything illegal —( laughter , and erics of ' hear , hear' )—yet ho confessed that he had his suspicions . ( Renewed laughter . ) But he considered that it was not his duty to inquire into all tho dotuils of such proceedings . ( Continued laughter . ) Ho believed it was not usual for parties do-
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' ¦ ' ¦ ' : . ¦ / ¦ ¦^^ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ -: ¦; ' ¦ ¦ ; , ¦ ¦ * ¦ \ ' ' ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦" ¦ ' W - . , - ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ' . ' . ¦ ¦ . .- ¦ ¦• ¦ ¦ . - . . . . ¦ ¦ ' ¦ .. \ ¦ Feb . 21 , 1852 ;] THE LEADER . 167
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 21, 1852, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_21021852/page/3/
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