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Leader (1850-1860), 21st February 1852, Edition Country of 2, Page 2, 1M THE LEADER. : ' ¦ ¦ ESattcmuy; I I'll...

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      "Without Any Sudden Onset Against: Minis...

      beneficent autocracy . Mark well his friends and intimates as they shuffle the credit of the state like a dice-box ! , , , The burlesque of the empire is in foil and active rehearsal ; the parts distributed , and the costumes ready . Is the day fixed ? Ah ! you have a theatrical censorship in France ; but what if the play be forbidden by a word from Russia ? Napoleon organized the Theatre Frangais m a despatch from Moscow : Nicholas forbids the " burlesque of the empire" in a note from St .

      Petersburgh . Extinguish the hydra of revolution if you will : restore the Pope : play the Detective of despotism : but thus far— -no farther . Napoleonic ideas , but no Napoleon the Second I Thus says Nicholas . With effect apparently : for Louis Bonaparte , after insulting Switzerland , and bullying Belgium , fabricates a lying note in the Moniteur , breathing peace and amity to all nations , and vanishes again into the coulisses of the Opera , where , at least , he is monarch of all he surveys .

      The Saviour of Society ! The next result to France of her deliverance from " the dangers of ' 52 , " is yawning financial bankruptcy ; a civil list of 480 , 000 / . without a king , and a monopoly of the coulisses / Is it not , as we said many weeks since , a " military despotism tempered with religion and debauchery . " For religion is not forgotten in the division of spoils . The University is to compound for les danseuses .

      The new Law on the Press is not a law to regulate , but to destroy . But it will soothe the fears of Downing Street and of Lord Derby ; for the masters of France will no longer be exposed to the keen , rude air of English journalism ; nor , alas ! our brethren in faith and hope be solaced by the reviving breath of freedom . "With authority of government , and a heavy stamp duty , how shall we rush in where even the Journal des Dehats may fear to tread . Yes ! even the Debats is doomed ! Such is the progress of retrogression .

      Lagos , from which , some time since , our troops were compelled to withdraw , after capturing it , has been finally taken , and destroyed . For three days the fight continued . Fourteen men were killed , and sixty-four wounded . This vast loss was incurred in the idle attempt to suppress one slave-trading chief , and set up another , who promises not to trade in slaves . It is remarkable , that the attack was suspended on Christmas-day : hence the great slaughter . The enemy were well prepared , and fired with great firmness and precision . Kosoko is dethroned , and Atakoi

      enthroned ; that is the nett result of this sanguinaiy proceeding . Jenny Lind is caught at last , and has married one of her own profession , Mr . Goldschmidt , a pianist . The wayward artist , who has fascinated so many audiences , and repelled so many suitors , is at length to be domesticated j perhaps , like the caged mocking-bird , to sing only the more sweetly . "Will the one want in her not be now supplied—a somewhat more burning fire of passion ? The

      question is worthy of being classed with the incidents of states ; for how great is the influence of art ! It seems almost the only robust and everexpanding influence of the world , the one that keeps on its way undaunted by political disturbances . A Itusscll sees his political fame expiring before eyes yet undirnmed by timcj while a Uraham sees his old fame survive the very voice that made it , and multitudes rush to hear from his lips the mere retrospective outline of that large utterance . It has sometimes occurred to us that

      the power of song , which exercises such mastery over the rude multitude , might be introduced with effect inter a higher sphere . They talk of direct representation of the professions , such as the law : why not enfranchise musicians , and make them return a singing member ? Speeches fall flat on the ear , und occonornists' unlyrieal numbers exercise a too seductive suasion in favour of a cruel , cold utilitarianism : but the fire of nationality might be roused once more wore Mr . Speaker addressed in " The Bay of Biscay ; " or , " Britons , strike homo . "

      1m The Leader. : ' ¦ ¦ Esattcmuy; I I'Ll...

      1 M THE LEADER . : ' ¦ ¦ ESattcmuy ; I I'll ) ' ¦ ' .- .. ¦¦ ¦ ¦• ¦¦ •' - . ' ' .. ; ; L 1 L ! 1-UJ 1 »— : ^ — ¦

      History O3v Parliament. The New Militia ...

      HISTORY O 3 V PARLIAMENT . THE NEW MILITIA BILL . The policy of ministers with respect to our national defences was explained on Monday night . Lord John Russet moved that the House resolve itself into a committee on the Local Militia Acts ; which-being agreed to , lie stated at length what it was proposed should . 1 * 5 done . , ; , ¦ ¦ . Referring to 1848 , he remarked that he had then made propositions for the foundation of a permanent military force , " which being coupled with propositions for increased taxation , were abandoned , because

      unpalatable to the country . And although there were not at this time any probabilities that the assurances contained in the Queen ' s speech with respect to our foreign relations were likely to prove unsound , yet it could not be assumed that we were ever absolutely secure from the danger of war . He stated as reasons for this assertion that the empire may be subject to aggression ; that we may be involved in some dispute respecting the rights of our subjects , violated by other powers , or the rights of the subjects of other powers infringed by us ; that we have treaties of offensive and

      defensive alliance to observe ; and that as we belonged to the continental system , so were we bound to preserve the balance of power . Later times had added to these strong reasons for being prepared , one of great force , namely , the improvement in steam navigation . And notwithstanding this vast change in circumstances , we had not for many years had any material addition to our military force owing to the aversion felt both by Whig and Tory to " large military establishments . " Not only this , but we had not called out our regular militia , a force which , since the Seven Years' War , it has been

      reckoned wise as well as constitutional to maintain And what they had to consider was , whether it would be advisable to establish a militia on the old plan or on the plan of the local militia . The old militia differed little from regular troops of the line . They could not , however , be employed out of the United Kingdom , and the local militia could not be employed out of their own counties . "I will state the nature of the local militia as it was established in 1808 and amended in 1812 , and remained till the end of the war . The local militia were balloted for in the same manner as the regular militia , by a long

      and expensive process , I think , and when chosen they were assembled and trained for 28 days in the year . They were balloted from all persons between 18 and 30 years of age , and they were commanded by persons appointed by the Lord-Lieutenant , having certain qualifications in respect of property . "With respect to the officers ; we propose that two-thirds shonl ' d be appointed by the Lord-Lieutenant , and one field officer and one-third of the captains by the Crown ; so that the regiments may have the benefit of the experience of half-pay officers available for

      this service , and who must be of great use in assisting the officers appointed by the Lord-Lieutenant . ( Hear ; , hear . ) "We propose that the Lord-Lieutenant should not be . bound by the restriction of qualification , but that he should name any persons he may think fit , of course with the approbation of the Crown , as formerly , but without the requirement that they should he possessed of a certain amount of landed property . It is very desirable that the ' gentlemen of the county should take the command of the local militia , but we believe that that would be the case without this

      qualification being imposed in the act . ( Hear , hear . ) "When the original militia laws were framed , there whb a very great jealousy of the Crown , and of encroachments upon liberty , and it waa supposed that if there , was a limitation to persons of property , it would form a security against any attempt of the Crown in that respect ; but our liberties are now so firmly secured , that of all dangers there is none less than that of an attempt by the Crown , by means of a etauding army , to suppress our liberty . ( Hear , hear . ) With regard to the men , we propose some alteration from the former plan , according to which all men between 18 and 30 years of age were subjected to the

      ballot . That was a considerable number of years ; and the process of sending round to each householder , and requiring a return of the number of persons in his house between those ages , was a long and complicated process . Wo conceive that it would be at the same time bettor , and a great relief to a large portion of the population , if , taking the force we thought sufficient , we took in a shorter number of years . Wo propose , therefore , for the first year , thut the ngca at which porspntt should be subject to ballot for the local militia should bo from 20 to 23 , ami

      in subsequent ycarH that they should be only persons of tlio nges of 20 to 21 . It ia suppoacd that tho . former prqvision ( from 20 to , 23 ) , taking one-fifth ns the number to be balloted , would give a forco of about 80 , 000 men , and that in subsequent years n number would bo procured ( from 20 to 21 ) , amounting to an average of 30 , 000 . In procuring these men , I think it would not bo nccesBiuy to adopt tho menus tuken formerlyj I believe thut , with the assistance of tho census of last year , we should know tho number of persons in , each county und union who would bo liable to tho ballot , uud that it would bo

      sufficient to require all wen Jjersons to present themselves a certain dayj that , however , ia part of the machinery t thp bill which requires great consideration . " V ° i Add to thi « that the county authorities would h , present when the men are balloted for "; that the would be a deserve taken to supply the places of tho ^ who were exempted , from physical defects or otli ^ causes ; that if a sufficient number of persons between the-age * of l' 8 . and--8 p volunteered , the ballot would not

      take place , these volunteers serving for three instead of four years , one year less than those balloted for . and that they should be drilled for 28 days in the veJ —three hours' drill to count for half-a-day . Durine the period they were out , the local militia ' would have the same pay and allowance as the regular militia , and be subject to the Mutiny Act . The expense of this measure the noble lord estimated at 200 , 000 ? .

      The noble lord closed his speech in dead silence . There were no cheers . Mr . Reynolds asked why Ireland was excluded ? Mr . Httme attacked the whole project . He had lived long enough to know that the best way of increasing the military force was to increase the standing army . People ought nob to be taken away from their regular employments ; it was unjust . It was a conscription , which would be a heavy and a serious burden on the working classes . It infringed the doctrine of the division of labour . An army was necessarily the hot-bed of idleness and immoralit y . As to the reasons alleged by the noble lord , he could not

      understand them , unless we were going to renew some holy alliance . France was weaker than ever . The interest of France was to keep the peace . Besides , where was their navy ? Scattered all over the glohe , instead of being in the Channel . The noble lord refused the suffrage to the men whom he subjected to the militia conscription . Now , he should move that every man draughted into the militia should have a vote . This wholesale objection from Mr . Hume was followed by a speech from Colonel Thompson , in which he attacked Louis Napoleon as utterly untrustworthy ,

      and declared himself grateful for the ministerial proposal . Colonel Sibthoep would not tolerate the bill , and he despised the ministers . Sir H . Vebney hotly defended the morality of the army from the allegations of Mr . Hume , roundly asserting that " a more honourable , well-conducted , and moral set of men were never collected together than a regiment of British soldiers !" Mr . Maurice O'Cottnei / l hoped Ireland might be ineluded . So far the debate had been tame and level ,

      but now Mr ; Cob » en rose , iand made a most extraordinary speech . He said the sole question for the House to consider was , not whether Englishmen were willing to pay for the defence of the country , but whether enough had not been already paid . The people were quite willing to defend the country against unjust aggression . But had not due defence been made . In thirty-seven years we had scandalously voted 250000000 / . for the navy alone ; and in the last ten

      ,, years 23 , 950 , 000 ? . He would say that we were abundantly insured . And what did we do with vessels constructed at such a cost ? We sent them to the Tagus , to tho Mediterranean , to the coast of Africa , tothe East and West Indies , to the islands in the South bens . Now , the whole argument was founded on tho fear o invasion . Thon why were not theee ships ordered home ? The whole argument was founded on the lew

      of invasion . " JNow , I must say , the . noble lord , in-the speech lie delivered this night , and " in , the arguments he « " ? put himself very much in antagonism with what newi " us tho other day at the opening of Parliament , lii *" . hear . ) The noble lord on that occasion infprmca us w « the newspaper press of , this country had taken g" »* J """ tics with the President of Franco ; but that that g ^ 'g had lived in England , that lie knew the habits ot w country , that he knew the press waa free , and that , thong it might be licentious , it was not to be taken for gran that what the press said of the President ofYrma > wjsine opinion nf iho liWlisli nconle . Now , Without o \ KTl » b

      word of objection to what the noble lord said with reg to tho press of this country , I mast say 1 think i coutrived to take np a position which , while it 18 t a m » 80 , 000 mcu-to set up this forco with an clastic orfcni tion , which * may become 110 , 000 or 120 , 000 PW , * - J then the noble lord will do far more thon the prow jn country , which ho took on himself to lecture , w pi ^ a state of antagonism with the French ; P P ' ' \ 0 jtf hear . ) But tho noblo I 6 rd , when he called du ns 11 . in fnilf . il in , rUrn o . ih nvnnf Mint What llO SUM Bl U » 1 ,

      ing of Parliament , and that which the speech « J » throne declared , was not true , and that Ins nation ^ the pneiiic intentions of the French Goyernment w founded , —ho failed to sliow that what the noWe ior ^ lends tho Opposition iri the other House stateu v founded pn the same point—ho had not done ft MHg «"

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 21, 1852, page 2, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_21021852/page/2/