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Leader (1850-1860), 20th December 1851, Edition Country of 2, Page 4

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      1200 Gflg Frtahev. [Saturday,

      1200 gflg frtaHeV . [ Saturday ,

      Adhesion Of The Jesuits. The Following L...

      ADHESION OF THE JESUITS . The following letter from . Count de Montalembert appears in the Univers of Saturday : — Paris , December 12 , 1851 . "Sir , —1 receive each day letters consulting me on the proper course to follow in present circumstances , and particularly as to the ballot , which commences on the 20 th instant , in order to respond to the appeal made by the President of the Republic to the French people . It is physically impossible for me to write to each of the persons who do me the honour to address me , and yet I should be grieved to reply only by silence , and an apparent indifference to the confidence manifested towards me ,

      and which has been gained for me by twenty years political struggles in the cause of the Church and of society . Permit me to express my opinion through the medium of your journal . " I begin by declaring that the act of the 2 nd of December has put to flight the whole of the revolutionists , the whole of the Socialists , and the whole of the bandits of France and Europe ; and that alone is , in my opinion , a more than sufficient reason for all honest men to rejoice ,

      and for those who have been most mortified to console themselves . I do not enter into the question as to whether the coup d ' etat ( which had been foreseen by every one ) could be executed at another moment , and in another manner ; to do so I should have to go back to the causes which produced it , and to give my opinion on persons who cannot now reply to me . I do not pretend to guarantee the future any more than to judge of the past ; ; I only look at the present—that is to say , the vote to be delivered on Sunday week .

      " There are three courses open—the negative vote , neutrality , and the affirmative vote . " To vote against Louis Napoleon would be to justify the Socialist revolution , which , for the present at least , is the only one that can take the place of the actual Government . It would be to invite the Dictatorship of the Reds in place of the Dictatorship of a Prince who has rendered for three years incomparable services to the cause of order and Catholicism . It would be ( admitting the most favourable and the least probable hypothesis ) to reestabish that Tower of Babel which people called the National Assembly , and which , in spite of the distinguished and honourable men it counted in such great numbers , was profoundly divided in the midst of peace and legal order , and which—there is no doubt of the fact—would be powerless in presence of the formidable crisis we are exposed to .

      " To abstain from voting would be to belie all our antecedents ; it would be to fail in the duty we have always recommended and fulfilled under the Monarchy of July as under the Republic ; it would be to abdicate the mission of honest men at the very moment that mission is the most imperative and the most beneficial . I highly respect the scruples which may suggest to many honourable minds the idea of abstaining . But I know also that great politicians , who otherwise are unscrupulous , and who , after having brought us to the point we now are at—after having condemned us to the loss of all our liberties by the abuse they have made of them , or allowed to be made of them , now come and preach to us that we must make a vacuum

      round the Government . I respect scruples ; I protest against tactics . I can conceive nothing more immoral or more stupid . I defy any man alive to justify such conduct to his conscience or to history . History will tell how all France , after the ignoble surprise of the 21 th of February , recognized the authority of the men of the IIAtel de Ville , because they offered a chance of escape from the abyss that they themselves had opened . Let those chivalrous persons—if any such there are—who in 1848 protested against the destruction of Royaltyagainst the brutal expulsion of the two Chambersagainst the disarming of the army—against the usurpation of every branch of the Government—against the

      violation of every law , —let such persons , I repeat , claim the right to protest , and to abstain from voting—I have no objection . But I refuse to recognize such a right in any one of those who sent representatives to take the places of the deputies hunted from their benches by a horde of barbarians—to any of those who themselves sat there , and who so sat to proclaim that the Provisional Government had merited well of the country , and to vote for the banishment of the House of Bourbon ! The conscience that accepted such a yoke for fear of something worse , cannot surely fed any srriou . s difficulty in confirming the Power that restored order and security in IMS and which can alone preserve us from anarchv in ¦| K , V > y

      " 1 ho instinct of the masses is no more led astray now than then . Louis . Napoleon will be in 1852 , as in 1818 , the elect of the nation . Such being the case , 1 believe : there is nothing more imprudent , I may say nothing more insane , for men of religious feelings and men of order , in a country like ours , than to put themselves in opposition to the wisheHof the nation , when those wishes mean nothing contrary to tin ; law of God , or to the fundamental conditions of society . There ; irc far too

      many amongst us—men worthy of respect , whose policy KetMiiH to be to act quite in opposition to the (^ enenil opinion . When this country went mad for liberty uiul Parliamentary iiiHt . itut . ioiiH , those Name ? men appealed to the absolute rights of royalty ; now that it its for the moment hungering for nileiiee , calm , and authority , the isiime men would impose the . sovereignty of the tribune and of discussion . 11 ever tin ; country demand Monarchy , the men 1 allude to will he condemned by hikiIi conduct to the perpetuation of the Republic .

      " For those men who boldl y declare that , there i ; s but oik ! sole right in political affairs , and that I'Yaucc ean only be ; saved by one principle , I can , . strictly speaking , understand the possibility of abstaining , provided these men also abstained in I HIS . But for us Catholics above all , who have always preferred that religion and Hooief . y cocxiut with all forma of Koverumeut that do not exclude

      reason and the Catholic faith , I am unable to find a motive that can justify or excuse our voluntary annihilation . " I now come to the third course , viz ., the affirmative vote . Now , to vote for Louis Napoleon is not to approve of all he has done ; it is only to choose between him and the total ruin of France . It does not mean that his Government is the one we prefer to any other ; it is simply to say that , we prefer a Prince who has given

      proofs of resolution and of ability , to those who are at this moment giving their proofs of murder and pillage . It is not to confound the Catholic cause with that of a party or a family—it is to arm the temporal power—the only power possible at this day—with the necessary strength " to vanquish the army of crime , to defend our churches , our homes , our wives , against those who respect nothing ; who aim at the proprietor , and whose bullets do not spare the priest . It is not to sanction beforehand the errors or the faults that a Government—fallible as

      every earthly institution is—may commit ; it is to intrust to the chief that the nation once chose for itself , the right of preparing a constitution , which will certainly be not more dangerous , or more absurd , than that which 900 representatives , elected in 1848 , bestowed on France , and against which I had the happiness to vote . I may add that by returning to the unity of power , without excluding the checks which are the first necessity of every Government , we got over the most difficult part of the way to a real social restoration—that of ideas and of morals . " I have just perused the lines you permitted me to insert in the Univers , as a rallying cry to our brothers in dismay , on the 27 th of Feburary , 1848—three days after the sudden fall of the Throne . I find there these words

      — ' The banner we have planted exclusive of , and above , all political opinions is intact;—the Catholic cause , such as we have ever defended it , is identified with no power , with no human cause . This sovereign independence of religious interests will aid French Catholics in comprehending and accepting the new social phase on which we enter . None have a right to abdicate ! ' I have nothing to add to , or take from , these words . I believe they are quite as suited to the day after that which has been the revanche of the army and of authority against the revolution of the 24 th of February .

      " Observe that I do not advocate absolute confidence , or unlimited devotedness . I give myself unreservedly to no one . I profess no idolatry—neither that of the force of arms , nor that of the reason of the people . I limit myself to the search of possible good , and to choose , in the midst of the shocks God visits us with , that which is least repugnant to the dignity of a Christian and the good sense of a citizen . " If Louis Napoleon were an unknown person , I should

      unquestionably hesitate to confer on him such power and such responsibility . But , without entering into the question of his policy for three years , I do not forget the great religious acts which have marked his Government so . long as concord existed between the two powers of the state;—the liberty of instruction guaranteed ; the Pope reestablished by French arms ; the Church restored to its councils , its Synod to the plenitude of its dignity ; the gradual augmentation of its colleges , its communities , its works of salvation and of charity .

      " Without him I seek in vain for a system , a force which can secure to us the conservation and developments of similar benefits . I only behold the wide gulf of Socialism . My choice is made . I am for authority against revolt ; for preservation against destruction ; for society against Socialism ; for the possible freedom of good against the certain liberty of evil ; and in the mighty struggle between the two forces which divide the world , I believe that in acting thus I am , as I ever have been , for Catholicism against revolution . " Accept , Sir , the assurance of my sympathy , " ClIAKI . ES DE MONTALEMBERT . " We have little to add to the above documents . The march of Bonaparte towards the Empire is as slow and steady as it is unscrupulous and cruel . " Thorough" seems to be the motto of his party .

      Meanwhile , the Siecle has been twice suspended . Its only crime was that of recommending the Republicans to register and to vote . Victor Hugo is in Brussels . lOmile de Girardin is on his way , from l ' aris at all events , -whither does not seem to be accuratel y known . On Tuesday the Sixth Legion of the National Guard was dissolved ; it was avowedly ltepublie . au . Following up the letter of M . Montalembort , the Bishop of Ohartres issued one to the parochial clergy of his diocese , calling upon them to vote for the prolongation of the powers of Louis Napoleon : conduct strikingly in contrast to that of the Archbishop of Paris . Thin prelato has not only not come forward in favour of Louis Napoleon , but it in asserted by

      persons likely to be very well informed , that he has been using his influence to keep the clergy of hisdiocose from voting . It is probable , however , thai I wo-thirds of his clergy will refuse to obey bis injunctions , for his proceedings in theallairof the Pantheon have made him unpopular with that body . Instead of expressing , . the interest of religion , his satisfaction at the decree by winch Lduin Napoleon lias restored lhat church to religions worship , he disputed tho right of the Chief ol the Slate to adopt this measure , and declared that be would take no step towards the execution . The C () MH (!(| uoii ( : (; of his refuHal , if he should persist in it , — vain hope ! While we write the news arrives that he , too , has flinched , and the Pnulheoii will become orthodox and Jesuit .

      l '» moot the want of a press , lithographed circulars appear . One of thcHo in a bitter burlesque of a constitution , and regularly arranged in articles after tho faaliiOJU of the following spccimouH .

      " Art . 1 , The National SovereiontviTIZZ " and inalienable . " ereignty % s imprescriptible Consequentl y , the French people abdicates , •?„ i . to Louis Napoleon , and delegate ? U ? h ? m thcS ^ making such a constitution as he pleases ar ,, ?! . " clTairT ° blIndly ^ t- ^ SffllSTSa ; " Art . 2 . No one can be arrested or detained «* < according to the forms prescribed bylaw ; thP ' hf ep i IToZle ™ Wh ° inhaMtS the French territory I ?*¦ £ Consequentl y , it is permitted to every agent of n , police , furnished or not by a regular warrant , to arre , ? all persons whom he may please , to force his wav fTi ^ l "ih V" ° f the *]* into the hoS

      , ^ » , , of any citizen , to violate the secrecy of epistolarv cor ™ spondence , and to put a seal on the printing pressed those journals who have the audacity not to join in sin I ing the praises of the Government . The Bastille wh 1 by a mistake was destroyed sixty years ago shall ^ replaced by the Castle of Ham , the forts of Mont ValT rien and Vincennes , and by the prison of Mazas All " citizens who do not declare that they are perfectly sa tisfied with these arrangements , will be expelled thl country . e

      " Art . 4 . The right of instruction is free . " Consequently , M . Montalembert and his friends the Jesuits , are alone charged with the instruction of yo ' uth . " Art . 8 . Universal suffrage is reestablished . " But it will never be called into operation , except on the 20 th of December instant , and then its sovereign decision wilL only be respected in case it proclaims Louis Napoleon Bonaparte President of the Republic : As far as the information allotted to the public by French rulers is worth , anything , we learn that the departments are as tranquil as a churchyard . The following letter from a young officer well g ' ives a faint picture of the horrors perpetrated in the name of order .

      My dear * * * , —Two days after the receipt of your letter the company to which I belong was sent to repress a disturbance at . 0 my dear * * * , what a terrible thing civil war is ! and how sad the position of a soldier who , like me _ , is forced to fight against Frenchmen , his brothers , without knowing for what motive . Not only is this civil war bloody , it is worse , it is atrocious . We have not only men to slay , but women and children . I will give you the details of the last episode of this fratricidal war , in which I have taken a part , and from which , happier than many of my comrades , I have returned unscathed . The 4 th of this month we received the order to start

      for * * * where some troops had been assaulted . We set off at once , and arrived at four o ' clock in the evening , worn out with fatigue . We found a barricade which prevented our entrance . The order was g iven for us to carry it . In spite of our fatigue , we rushed upon it . The Lieutenant who commanded the column of attack reached it the first ; an insurgent rushed upon him , a pistol in each hand , one of which he presented at his breast , and was about to fire when a soldier , quitting the ranks , transfixed him with a bayonet . This death irritated the insurgents w * inst us , as they fired , killing four and wounding ^» ' ° » men . But we did not suffer ourselves to be intimidated ; in five minutes afterwards we were mas ^ ra of the town , of 260 made

      and the insurgents , to the number , were prisoners . Immediately a Coun * " of War was held , and one hour afterwards five of the principal chiefs were shot by us in th » front of the church , m the presence of all the inhabitants who were forced to be present at the execution . 0 my dear * , my haFr stands on end as I think of . this execution Imagine five unhappy creatures , imploring for " » " loud cries , rolling on the ground in the convuls ions of agony and despair , and whom we shot in that crnlJo position . It wan horrible , and I ahall " Vn ^* ann " > l e that frightful spectacle before my eyes ; but the exami <¦ was necessary to reestablish order , and to avenge tic victims they had made . The following days were cm nlovcd in making arrests and domiciliary searclitH , aim asToni tranquillity was reestablished we returned to

      our quartern . The Indrpcndance Beige lias received notice from the Austrian and Prussian Governments , that n u attack the Government of Louis N ap oleon , it wm forbidden in Germany as well as France . The Duke de Guiche , the eldest son of the £ uKt de ( Jrammont , and nephew of tho Count d Orsay , ban been appointed M inister Plenipotentiary at JIlhs ^ Uussol . Thin appointment is considered « ie ^ ' |; of a manifcHto published by the Duke cle Urain n n and hia son on the day after the coup d etat , Mb in their adhesion to the cause of I jouis Napoleon-Duko de Guieho is married to the daug hter oi

      Macluimon , M . P . . of Count Glazonoppe , one of the uuleH-ux-J- '"| , , the Kmperor of Russia , is in Puris . , It " Bjjid £ l () hus been Hent by the Autocrat of nil the Kuhh ih ,, compliment tho President on hi ** recent uxpi < -- th ( , to preHent him , in the name of Inn iniiHter , _ w ¦ grand cordon of the order of , St . Andre , wlucu i . iirst order in the ' . Russian empire . lm , Tho annual bumiuet of the old officers ° J lay at peri . il Guard took place the . lay »« - ' <» « ^ i ' IIluIls ,, r « ' - the FrtVcsH Provenciiux . Marshal * ' *«_ wt . . Hided , find among tho other o tKccrn V 11 . » \! -t ^ : t : " ^ ZjX ^ x Kxccbnaus , after W » nalf oxpatmtrng on to « - '""

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 20, 1851, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_20121851/page/4/