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Leader (1850-1860), 20th August 1859, Edition 2 of 2, Page 15

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      Bumble On The Bench

      breath is forbidden to leave the court m order that lie may gain nothing by hia folly . Night , according to the French jH-overb , brings good counsel . It was not so with the irate judge , Ine next morning the persecuted juryman vras not forthcoming to receive a fresh volley ^ ob jurgation from the bench , and was fined ^ 20 for his absence from a ceremony in which he had / been told the day before , he was unworthy ta take his ™ . h * This act of disnified justice being

      performed , the day ' s proceedings were opened by an indiscriminate assault on the reporters of the newspapers , for having hinted that barristers ou ^ ht either to refuse briefs or attend when the case is called on . The judge consoled his colleagues at the bar by two profound , though somewhat inconsistent reflections , that nobody ever read the rubbish in the newspapers , and that as lono- as there were readers who liked scandal there it for them

      would be papers to invent . We are o-lad , indeed , to think that Baron Braniwell is impervious to newspaper criticism ; deeply should we regret anything that might quench the exuberance of . his absurdities . In the present dearth of theatrical talent we have no one on the stage who can personate Mr . Justice Shallow , but the admirers of the Shakcsperian drama need not despair as long as upon the bench of justices there sits Mr . Baron Bramwell .

      To Obtain And The Which ^ ^01 Ana. 20. 1...

      ^ ^ 01 Ana . 20 . 1859 . 1 T HE L EADIB B . 963 ¦ ¦¦ — - —^—i ——^—^ ^ ^ ^^ ^ ^ ' — - ¦¦ - ' i— ¦ . ¦ . ~

      Guilders Versus Overend. The General .Fe...

      GUILDERS versus OVEREND . The general . features in all cases of seduction are the same . The seducer is insidious , the seduced is simple . The narrow- path of true love never may run smooth , ¦ . but the broad road of false love is easy and well trodden . As long as the fair maiden has not parted ' with the treasure of her virtue , and lias not become a prey to the spoiler , everything is couleur de rose . As the bribe for her consent to the desires of her lover , all sorts of tempting bribes arc held before her longing gaze . Matrimony is a matter of ultimate certainty , though postponed for a time to a more convenient season . The marriage ring is already ordered ;

      the fees are paid for the banns ; . the wedding-cake is in the oven , and perpetual connubial bliss is to be the reward of confiding love . The moment that the maiden ceases to be cOy and chaste , the scene changes . The marital ardour of the wouldbe Benedict sufle-rs an unaccountable refrigeration . There is no immediate hurry for taking anv steps about the marriage ; things are very well , in fact much better , as they are . All the talk about banns and cake and rings was , mere lovers' trifling , never meant for , or supposed to mean , anything . The prospect of the church and the marriage lines becomes more and more dim , and at last fades

      away altogether in the hazy distance . Then there follow either altercations , mutual accusations _ of amorous infidelities , actions for breach of promise , charges of assault with intent , claims for lost services , and—well , some of us know pretty well to our cost what follows—and Mr . Childers , excandidate for Pontefract , knows it also . In perusing the account of Mr . Childers' wrongs and sufferings , of Mr . Hose ' s wiles , and Mr . Oyerond ' s fickleness , we kept constantly fancying that we were listening io the story of some frail Clarissa , who had loved her Lovelace " not wisely , but too well . " The wholo narrative has a circuit

      flavour . Reminiscences of Mr . Edwin James and of tho late Mr . Serjeant Wilkins , those twin champions of outraged purity , against cold-hearted villany , crowd upon us . ,, ¦ Manly indignation is aroused within our breast ; our excited imagination obtains tho mastery over our calmer judgment ; and tho well-known flowers of language about a blighted life , n honrtli marto dosolato , and the last refuge of tho broken-hearted , rise unbidden to our lips , even whon the glamour caused by these hallowed recollections lims passed awny . TUcforco of tho resemblance between tho case of Childors v

      Overond and u trial for soiluction remains unshaken . It is true , that iu ordinary cases of this character tho details as to tho contract , or rather the breach of contract , aro' arrangod between tho principals who . are chiefl y interested , whereas , in tho present instance , Mr . Childers was betrayed by substitute and Mi . ' Over-end eecliicod by proxy . Still , oven in our own times , otir " grand soignours " havo canned on their intrigues by deputy , and Mr . Rose scorns to us eminently qualified- for tho part of the parliamentary Lepoi'cllo . Indeed , with tho rapid development that this olusa of social incidents is undergoing in America , we aro not without hope

      of soon witnessing a case across the Atlantic in which the preliminaries of seduction are settled between the gentleman ' s valet and the lady ' s Abigail , while the terms of the agreement are enforced by an action between their employers . In that case our parallel will be complete . Mr . Childers , before he ( or rather his agent , Mr . Leeman ) fell in the path of temptation , was poor , but honest ; humble , but virtuous . At the last election for Pontefract he had been defeated , but not disgraced . He had a good case against the sitting member : that case he was resolved to prosecute . Stron g in the consciousness of his own integrity ,

      he was prepared to endure every sacrifice in the cause of parliamentary purity . The ( petition was prepared , the witnesses were summoned , the counsel were engaged . It was then that , in an evil hour , he came across the tempter Rose—and fell . The inducements to frailty were so overpowering—the dereliction from the strict path of morality was so trifling—the prospect of immediate reparation was so tempting . If Mr . Childers would only consent to drop the obnoxious petition , to commit himself to Parliamentary dalliance with Mr . Overend , everything would happen according to his wishes . The expenses of a petition , of political courtship , would be avoided ; the

      a seat in Parliament would , ere long , afnx legislative stamp of legitimacy on any little irregularity in-his maiden career . The tempter triumphed : the petition was withdrawn , and the chastity of Mr . Childers political career v ^ as pros tituted to considerations of base expediency . Then the wonted change occurred—the ardent wooergave place to the faithless and callous swain . The day for the celebration of the promised nuptials was indefinihitely postponed . The prospect of a scat was found to be an idle illusion . ' The idea of repairing the injury committed was treated as absurd , and Mr . Childers awoke to the consciousness that he was not only seduced , but betrayed and deserted . So the case remains . Mr . Childers has sued Mr . Overend for breach of promise , but as to what reparation he is likely to get we feel somewhat doubtful . No court on earth can restore to an en-ing female her lost virtue . No parliamentary decision can restore to Childers his withdrawn petition . Sometimes in novels , if not in real life , the seducer repents of his misconduct , and fulfils the promise on the strength of which he triumphed over his victim ' s virtue : It is possible , in like manner , that Mr . Overend may amend his ways , fulfil his agreement , resign his seat , and legitimatise Mi * . Childers' equivocal position . It is possible , we say , but not probable .

      The Middle Classes And The Multitude. A ...

      THE MIDDLE CLASSES AND THE MULTITUDE . A contemporary complains of the subserviency of the people of France' and Italy to the Catholic priesthood , as creating an obstacle to the establishment and improvement of constitutional government . The latter is what the intelligent middle classes have at heart abroad , and is there made impossible by the ignorance of the multitude and influence of tho priesthood . On the Continent this body is tho enemy of secular liberty , and the patron of despotism . On the Continent , therefore , the middle classes , seeking constitutional government , are defeated by the bulk of tho people The latter support despotism , the former demand quiot constitutional reform .. This fact has its counterpart amongst ourselves , Ohv mitklla classes and tho multitude are at

      variance . There is at loast a groat difference betwixt them '; they strive for different objects , though tho ground of dispute is not exactly the same as on tho Continent . Both there and here , however , tho middle classes—the immediateemployers of tho bulk of tho people , from whom they have sprung , and with whom they have a common interest in putting an out ! to misrule , and

      to obtain and secure the good government which all feel to be indispensable to-welfare . The bourgeoisie in France had , under Louis Phillippe , a long reign . They possessed the Government , but they and their King managed so as to forfeit all popularity . Never before were the middle classes so much at variance with the multitude in France as when the power of the State was in their hands , and it was used mainly in their favour . In England , too , the middle classes have not become more closely United with the people since they obtained by parliamentary reform increased political power . Both the aristocracy and the clergy have frequently appealed to the raeonle successfully against employers , and . .. . ¦¦ « .. *¦ . ' .. ' i ¦ . .. .. .-

      have become in many cases the champions of the labourer . Here , as in France under Louis Phillippe , the middle classes do not possess the confidence of the multitude . We only mention the fact , and leave the middle classes to ponder on it . If they separate themselves more and more from the mult itude , the result will be an increase of power in the hands of opponents who are still smarting under defeat . England may have its despotism too , if the middle and lower classes cannot unite against the classes who are naturally the allies of despotism . We justly take a great interest in foreign nations , and while we hope that they may in some respect follow our example , let us take warning from them , and avoid those dissensions which ensure the triumphs of the enemies of freedom .

      obtaining cheap and qUeotivo government—are foiled by not receiving the support of tho lower classes . Thoy have boon more desirous ol' taking tho places of tho aristocracy than of extending freedom . Thoy havo thought too much of themselves , and now thoy find , themselves somewhat contemned by the aristooraoy , and not friendly with tho multitude , Such a position may be dangerous . Un . leas tho middle clasues and the multitude can bo conciliated , fchoy will bo unable

      Victor Emmanuel At Milan. Kino Victor Em...

      VICTOR EMMANUEL AT MILAN . Kino Victor Emmanuel quitted Turin for Milan amidst general rejoicing and applause , arising from the pleasure felt by the Piedmontese at being-united as one family with the Lombards . The latter are * on their parts , equally well disposed , and even more delighted than the Turinese at the union which has been accomplished . The day on which the new Sovereign entered the city will ever be remembered

      at Milan with feelings of joy and exultation . The demonstrations madp by the people were far different from those which they have been accustomed to exhibit , ordered , prepared , and got up by authority . In this case they were the natural , spontaneous , fervid , and universal rejoicings which emanate from hearts really overflowing and heads rea-Uy convinced . The Sovereign and the people reciprocally regarded each other as father and

      family—liberator and liberated . During the past four centuries the state of Milan has been gravitating towards the monarchy of , the House of Savoy . Amadeus VIII ., who became Sovereign Pontiff under the title of Felix V ., first conceived the idea in favour of his son Louis , on the dismomberrnent of the state of the last Duke Visconti ! Perhaps , had Louis been more prompt , more economical and patient , less wavering and uncertain in his propositions , the duchy of Milan , or rather tho kingdom of Lombard / , might have been spared three hundred years of servitude , following one hundred of revolutions , c onquests , and defeats . This opportunity was , however , lost , and Milan t oil under the power of Austria . Henry IV . of Franco aud his groat minister , Sully , omployod ton years in maturing a plan for tho reorganisation ot Italy and Buropo , founded upon the «» F' « - olplo as that which actuated Napoleon III . m undertaking the late war ; that of dopny i , S Austria of her preponderance and osbttbhalUng in . Italy an asaembldgoof governments independent o fore gn states , and united among themselvcs . Jh" thoy prepared to put in execution in 10 lo . A , ?« * * | m ° tho iSdomof Naples , and a confodera " » of republics and duohies under tho name of tho Italian CubUo , presided ovov by the rone was to . embraco tho domination of tho rostot Italy , » e » w »<» princo nor iulluonco from boyandtho Afc wvra * tc » be { ecoffnisod as legitimate Had it been possible to ro » l-Lo this i ) uV , ft * tho effectuation of which thei direct SoSatSS ofFrance , England , Venice , Piodmond . Sweden , and Donmark was promised , the valley ° * tho Po would never havo become , as it did subsequently , tho battle-field of Europe . Impediment * arose , not on tho part of the powers directly con-

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 20, 1859, page 15, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_20081859/page/15/