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Leader (1850-1860), 19th November 1859, Edition 2 of 2, Page 14, THJE ITALIAN REGENCY AND FRANCE. TiiHitn...

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      E A Friexcli Animosity.—Ouh Wine F. Duti...

      rankling animosity in the French mind , when -we remember that the peace of 1815 was for them the annihilation of a great though feverish dream . The overthrow of their military empire was necessary to their welfare and that of Europe—it Stood in the way of progress and civilisation ; but men rarely know what is for their own good , and their vanity and self-love were not the less wounded by their failure . Their defeat was our success , and we have not magnanimously and continually forgotten it , and helped them to forget it . Some amongst us Lave continually done all that was in their power to make the French poignantly remember Waterloo , and pine for a return of the

      military glory , which , however ruinous at home , commanded almost universal admiration . It would have been out of the course of nature for the French — ever desirous of playing the first part in Europe — to see with thorough complacency , our continually expanding empire and increasing power . Of this we have never ceased to boast , while in the same period they have made only tlie acquisition of Algeria , and have been a prey to successive revolutions . Compared to England , France , since 1815 , has made a slow progress in populationwealth , and power ; and though she has

      her-, self to blame for this , her comparative want of success is equally irritating . The envy , that " withers at another ' s joy , " and " doth merit , like its shade , pursue * " is only the more hurtful because it is base and unjust ; and , so far as envy of our great success may have kept alive the prejudices and animosities of ages , -we can believe in the prevalence of such feelings amongst the French . To excite the envy arid apprehensions of others is one of the inevitable consequences of successful greatness . This is the penalty we pay for our national

      ambition . From the conduct or our own press , ¦ which seldom allows an opportunity of expressing exultation to escape it , we may imagine that the press in France , both when free and restricted , has run with the stream of opinion , and exacerbated all the unpleasant and angry feelings arising from the contrast between the p rogress of . the two empires . We admit the existence of certain hostile political feelings in the French , for which we have endeavoured to account , but the probable cause of them should inculcate in us a moderation

      and forbearance we have not always shown . The two people profess different forms of Christianity , and we are much too zealous for our own form to be surprised at the zeal of the Trench for the uuccess or the predominance of Roman Catholicism . If there be amongst us greater toleration than amongst them , in neither country have the religious leaders of the people done anything to lessen the dislike they mutually entertain for the creeds of one another . The

      difference between the two peoples on this subject is well known , and it is to be regretted that heated partisans amongst both have kept alive unpleasant contentions between Protestants and Catholics . If we look to the union of the peoples by the bonds of common interest , rather than to the alliance between the two Governments , to preserve the pence of the world , wo shall deploi'o all religious contentions as equally injurious to both .

      One of the celebrated writers who has taken tho part of England in the French proas , has justly said that the French have equality arid the English political liberty , and ho patriotically wished that his countrymen had ouv advantage . Amongst us there are undoubtedly sornp who , instead o / wishing for our people the equality of tho French , dread any and every approach to it . They are sensible that democracy has , in latter times , obtained some considerable , political successes . Even in submitting to tho nocoasifcy of doing scant justice to the lrumble classes of England , they have been galled b

      free from blame ; and it is useful to know our faults , for no nation ever sutlers in consequence , exclusively , of the conduct of another . It ever prospers or decays from its own acts—its virtues or its vices—and , as we suffer very much from taxation to pay for defence , oh account of the presumed animosity of the French , we ought to know all the parts of our own conduct which may have contributed * to their exasperation . For some time we have professed free-trade principles , and have legislated in that direction . Now , it may not have been intended to affront or injure the French , but it is a fact , that their chief products for exports—wine and brandy—are amongst the few articles which have not been included in the

      general reduction of our Customs Duties . With the exception of timber , which is partly the produce of our own colonies , and the duties on which have been reduced , there is no important article imported which has not benefited by our free-trade doctrines , except the wines and brandies of France . They are still subject to exorbitant , and wine to discriminating , duties—contrary to the principles of free trade . We have , therefore , made an exception to out own vaunted doctrines , which to the French may appear intended to injure them . At least we have not done what we ought , in the direction of free trade , to conciliate the wine growers of France and unite their interest more closely with our own .

      Now , the total net produce of the duties on wine and brandy in 1858 was . £ 2 , 615 , 000 , equal to about one-third of the annual expenditure on civil services , which are in nowise essential to the public safety . Many of them are of very doubtful utility . Even the Economist , which , in utter contradiction to its name and the doctrines which obtained it a share of the public confidence , has become an advocate of wasteful expenditure , admits that many of the expenses under this head might be spared . Since 1844 the charges for civil services hare increased from . £ 6 , 190 , 944 to . £ 9 , 085 , 636 _ in 1858 . Surely it would have been a wiser policy

      does . ^ Ve have effectually—if the Times be even approximative ^ / correct—helped to excite a fearful condition of mind in 36 , 000 , 000 of our fellow creatures , and we cannot too soon bethink ourselves of the means by which this mental condition may be meliorated . For the want of discretion in public writer , and religious zealots , there is no possible euro but a knowledge of the mighty evils , which they have undoubtedly helped to produce . For the past consequences of the sad deviation from principle , of which a boasting freetrade Government has for several years boon

      in that period to have largely reduced , if not abolished , the duties on wines and brandies , which mio-ht haves cemented the union of the French with , us , and made them believe us sincei'e in our free-trade professions , though we should have been unable to gratify the numerous schemers whose philanthropic projects have swollen , to an enormous extent , this species of expenditure . The vast folly , however , which has continued the estrangement of our neighbours , and multiplied here a brood of meddlers , cannot be undone . It is not given to man to alter the consequences of his actions , or avoid suflc'ring from the wrong which he

      guilty , there is no remedy , but we may insist that this wrong ahull not be continued . Humanity and political economy now demand the abrogation of the duties on French wines and spirits . Wo are aware of the frightful images of Joss of revenue uncTincreased drunkenness which imagination will conjure up to oppose such a proposition . . But if we admit them all , we add that they nrc 4 as dust in the balance , compared to the real and enormous evils of the continued hostile feelings of the two people , which the abrogation of the duties would contribute much to allay .

      "y thoir increasing power . If there bo a plot , it is what our neighbours call soxird , the unavowod result of an innate four of tho democracy which induces Conservatives of every hue nqw to deny it a iurthcr extension of liberty . Their over-renewed arrogance , strengthened apparently b y a newlyarmod host , fVom which tho democracy is virtually excluded , is displayed towards the multitude horo as well as against tho Fronoh , and they continually attack both equality and liberty . A numerous claes amongst ue contimially strengthens the prejudices of the democratic French against those w * Vr , tll 0 Y oul * * he aristooratio English . ¦ inoro is yet another point on which "wo are not

      1274 The Leaded [Jfro. 504; Kov, 19j 185...

      1274 THE LEADED [ Jfro . 504 ; Kov , 19 j 1853 .

      Thje Italian Regency And France. Tiihitn...

      THJE ITALIAN REGENCY AND FRANCE . TiiHitn is a good deal of dissatisfaction in England with thp French Government for having opposed tho acceptance of the Regency of Central Italy by Prince Cai'ignan , or M . Buonaornpagni , but there ounnofc bo any excuse for tho tone of alarm and , hostility to France which many writers and speakers manifest . At Zurich Louis Napoleon demanded more from Austria than she was led to expect from tho Villa Franca prolimimu'iot ) , and thie is felt so strongly . at Vienna that discontent is loudly expressed , and there aro not wanting advisors who would inmol

      Francis Joseph to try another passage of arms rather than consent to the Italianisation of Mantua and Peschiera and other elements of the French Imperial programme . It is perfectly clear , therefore that Louis Napoleon has not sacrificed the Italians In order to procure the friendship of the House of Hapsburg , and that he is not taking a course calculated to obtain that result . In the next p lace , he adheres to the scheme of a Confess — . which Austria detests—although he is distinctly informed that England will advocate the full right of the Italians to choose their own Government and settle their own affairs . It will also be

      observed that in advising Sardinia to have nothing to do with the Regency he is merely acting up to the letter of the Zurich arrangements , and that he abstains from any threat or hostile demonstration when his advice is rejected . We may be assured that if Austria saw any chance of inducing France to compel the Italians not to overstep the conditions provided by the late peace she would not manifest the irritation and discontent that characterise her proceedings , nor would she complain that the cession of Lombardy lias failed to purchase the advantages upon which her sovereign reckoned .

      Why the Emperor , of France moves in a curvilinear way instead of in a straight ' line , will be an interesting question for some future historian of these times . It may be partly from character , and partly from difficulties , which Englishmen living under such different circumstances can scarcely understand ; but a little investigation will shew that he is further from an intimate alliance with Austria than when he had a private confabulation with her wrong-headed and incurable master , and it may be doubted whether any peace ' would have been made if he had been able and will in or to

      explain to Francis Joseph the'demands he would make , aud the attitude he would assume hi November , 1859 . We are far from praising the bewilderment that French policy occasions , and believe more straightforwardness Avon Id "be bene- ^ ficial to all parties ; but we wish t 6 guard against needless suspicions and unfriendly assumptions , which the state of affairs do not oblige us to entertain . The King of Sardinia has virtually accepted the proffered sovereignty ol" Central Italy , by nominating , through his cousin , a . regent to act in his name , and by assurances -that if the people trust him lie will not desert their cause . If this step elicits from France no more than the conventional expressions of rogrot , to which we

      are now well accustomed , we shall be entitled to believe that the disapproval is only skin-doop , and kept up from motives of policy , about which we need not care . If Austria enters a . Congress , she will—so far as present appearances' go—dp so without si single friend among the jjfreal Towers , for she lnis just placed herself m strong antagonism to Prussia upon the question of the Hcmsi- Constitution , anil Russia is not aiding her Herman . views . There mny be , and probably are , matters on which Russia and Prussia ure opposed to France ; but there irf no reason to imagine they will attempt to treat tho Italians as Austria desires , and it is most likely they will energetically oppose * her adopting any course likely to ' bring about 'i renewal

      ot war . If we do not quite like tho coii « -liu : L of France , we may culm our complaints by looking to t'lO behaviour * ' of some of ouv u \ Ui peopU , wUo deserve our 1 indignation far more tluuwuir hitherto faithful ally . The Irish Papisl ^ cnntinuo to treat the ( subjects of the Pope as iitlicy won ; his elifttteld , aud protest us vcheiiK-r . tly » is Fniiu . 'is loriepJi against their right to liberty and self-rule , wUuo Lord Brougham—who has certainly ^ lived long enough to have grown more generous sontiiiK'ius ropliofl to' LonlEllonboroutfli ' rt loiter by ilopreoutlnir disturbance of the <> f Europe 101

      nnv nenoo the sake of Italy . If 20 , 000 , 00 , 0 of puonle aro to be enslaved for the preservation of Kuropoai peace , why not the entire ponululiun I * Hut wniu sort of a peace is it whose preservation \ K'n > a » UB those monstrous sacrifices of human ri ^ lit '< J-Jio » o was a time when Lord Ui-oughiun—wo boyr panlon , Harry JJroughrun—was more iu favour ol . l uS *' , ° than of poaeo , but tho woight of yciu'fl » ol * coronet have repressed his liberal ardours , ana , lileo tho lady beforo the blazing flro-iu the snugjy carDotted room , ho denrooates a disturbance »'• "

      tranquillity by those who are hungry and outside . Tho Italians have , oiimu tlmy niot witj an honest-looking king , deserved well ol J ^ uropui

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 19, 1859, page 14, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_19111859/page/14/