Current:

Leader (1850-1860), 19th June 1852, Edition Country of 2, Page 17

Page 17
Page 17
17 of 24

On this page

  • Text (4)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Populae Self-Defence. The Progress Of Op...

      is free axxd mdepeiaiderit , without fear ofiurpriae , because it would be impossible to surprise or put Anwn everybody at a blow .

      Jmm :Lsi :1&52.]: . .. .: .; ' . ;; ; Th...

      JMM : lSi : 1 & 52 . ] : . .. .: . ; ' . ;; ; TH $ 5 LE A D E B . : : ... ; : / : ¦ ¦¦ . ... # > : .

      The Plagtte Of Beans. N B-Ustictrs," Wri...

      THE PLAGttE OF BEANS . n B-usTictrs , " Writiiag to the sympathetic Jffi ? ra ? c ? , annouiiGes a disease in the bean crop , similar to fort which destroyed the potatoes . ' "A week a all was Wett—to-day acres upon acres are being ploughed up for turnips . " It is a judgment , ne infers , for national sins—that is , for sins comnfitted by the nation collectively . jPopery-toleration is the first of these sins that occurs to Busticus . If a partial toleration of Popery draws upon England such inflictions in potatoes and beans , what ought to be the state of agriculture in Catholic Europe P How painful ought to be the health of cabbages Under Louis Napoleon ; how harrowing the condition of Spanish onions under Donna Isabella ; or that of lentils under Donna Maria de Gloria ! Indeed , by this interpretation , farming business ought to be impossible under the Romish clergy ? and profane Protectionists in England might desire nothing better than a continuance of doctrinal error in corn-growing countries , which would be as good as the most stringent corn-laws for us . Another national sin we cannot so confidently deny— - "the neglect of social evils . " There are

      judgments /—the inevitable punishment for breaking " the laws of Jfratnre and of the God of Nature $ " and certain breaches of those laws do have a direct effect upon agriculture . The Sanitary Reformers have sho ^ n us , that by . the neglect of one social evil—society consenting to a filthy apathy such as would drive any individual " ¦ from society '' — -we heap life-destroying poison under and around pur abodes , and neglect to carry back to the soil that which human life has borrowed from it . It is a double impiety : we obey not , for human life , the laws of Nature and of the God of Nature : and we starve the

      ground from which we have drawn our sustenance . The neglected ground is revenged upon us , in poisoned food , Our neglect is a sin , and the consequence is a judgment . We will not let our poor work , and the poor vex us and multiply : we keep them off the land , and the towns grow vast pest-houses , physical and moral . We keep around us the refuse of human life , natural food of the land , and the land keeps from us the food of human life , giving us filthy refuse where we thought to grow food . If we obey not , we are not strong ; if we minister not , we are not sustained .

      Notes For The Elections. Ii. New Policy ...

      NOTES FOR THE ELECTIONS . II . NEW POLICY FOB THE PEOPLE . The coming elections might be turned to some permanent account , if some definite notions of political action could bo agroed upon , by those who seek political reform . The people are instructed us to principle , to a great extent , but they are impotent because they are divided . It is necessary to Unite them on broad grounds . To do this the sacrifice Of opinion is needral . It is idle to suy they must put aside " minor differences . " The differences are not minor . They are profound , and it will prove a mistake to underrate thorn . Great sacrifices of opinion are needed , and the sooner they are asked for opohly and plainly the bettor . A habit hus grown up of calling thoso " minor differences of opinion " which we happen not to care about—hut they riro matters ' of conscience to others , and not to recognise thorn as such , is to outrngo others in the name of conciliation . This is not tlio way to bring about unity .

      By way of illustrating the question of the present , lot us take the caBo of the extension of tho Suffrage , that being host understood by the majority of tho people . Tho old mode of forming associations to carry that point is evidently worn out . Unity on that questio is , on tho popular doctrino , impossible . If wo oxcopt tho National and Parliamentary Financial Reform Associ ation , you cannot usscihblo in tho metropolis , nor in any town in tho empire , ono hundred inon , capable of Raying what they mean , and of moaning what they Hll who can ng ' roo on arty programmo of popular

      reform . There aro plenty of ablo men , but thoy aro men <>/ " uncompromising principle . " Everybody will go for everything , atiOL tho result is , that tho " mass" for nothing . Some aro waiting for tho " Coming Man , " That man will novor " como "—ho Will bo invented whon thoro is anything for him to do . Leadership wiho or nnwiso is out of tho quontion . Tho authority of u man has boon exploded , and wo have no intelligent political obedience substituted in its place . Your old Radical was your ihodel of a Reformer , ho exploded wrong dm right together ;

      You go into a public meeting , and you find the great Swaggles upon the platform ; Swaggles is an " independent" man . He belongs to no party . He is led by nobody . Everybody " truckles to expediency "everybody is " dishonest" except Swaggles . But the crowning virtue of Swaggles is , that he trusts nobody . He is under the delusion , that the eye of ; ' the Government , and the eye of the Press are constantly upon him . He is the great terror of Downing Street , whose doings he is always exposing . The " Manchester School " sleeps with one eye open iii order to watch Swaggles . The middle class are always trying to catch him in their net . He is the subject of a universal conspiracy . If he receives a parcel which was despatched

      untied—Colonel Mayne has taken the string off . If a letter is posted to him unpaid , the Chancellor of the Exchequer has abstracted the stamp for his private use . If he cannot unfasten his whidow-shutter in the morning , he concludes that no less an . enemy than Lord John Russell has been round and scotched it . Swaggles , in fine , is the type of political distrust , and as suspicion is ever infectious , his whole party have caught the disease . ; This man is no exaggeration . Among the people who most need it there is no trust . Rulers know this very well ; They may resolve upon what they please—there will be no" people ' s party , " either in the House of Commons , or out of it , for some time to come , capable of disturbing their conclusions .

      The policy of the future which may result in . combined action , will probably have these leadin g features : — I . Associations will arise out of personal groups , who have the capacity of a common purpose , and of political obedience to it . II . The groups will be pledged individually to act in concert with all who seek similar objects—without which pledge no union at the present day is worth anything . III . These Local Societies will ... hold themselves free and ready to act with , or ally themselves to the strongest party * wheneverand wherever such party shall appear .

      Suppose three Or four intelligent persons thought it worth their while to seek an Extension of the Suffrage . They would ally themselves to some existing association near them . If none exist , their business would be to induce the most likely persons in their locality , who had influence and capacity , to take the lead in forming one . If none can be found , let them agree among themselves to form a Home Suffrage Committee—or by any intelligible name , neither repulsive , pretending , or worn out . At present there is great prejudice in favour of names which everybody detests . The objects might be set forth as follows : — -

      I . The Extension of the Suffrage to all men ( nott > pen to the usual objections of minority , insanity ; and crime , ) resident fora reasonable period in any borough , city , or county . The elections to be under the option of tho Ballot , and the Representation to be better apportioned to population . II . Creating a Registry of such of the Working Class and others ( accessible to this committee ) , who are willing to act in concert with all seeking similar objects .

      Such an extension of the Suffrage as this indicated , is all which is likely to be obtained in the next Reform Bill . Not thinking it well to treat Members ? of Parliament as children , ( an impertinence they always resent ) the details of this measure aro mainly left to their judgment : and those who think wo have nothing to hope from their liberality , will do well to remember , that wo shall take little by attempted dictation on this head . The measuro of Suflrago sought in the above " object , " is , indeed , less than many will think it right to ask , but it is also more than many will think it right

      to concede—without whoso consent such a measure ns this cannot bo peaceably obtained . Therefore moderation Wf demand , at tho popular extreme of society , entitles tho people to tho concessions nocessary at tho other extreme—and prescribes a measuro of " practical" justice Objecting to finesse with tho Government , tho supposed committee , of whom we are Hpeaking , would ask prccisoly for what it expects to got . Restricting its solicitation to the ' least extension that ought to bo conceded , its claims will , probably , bo respected as an earnest ono , and treated as a real ono .

      At tho same time , tho hopo would not bo concealed , that tho Parliament elected by Homo Suffrage , would enact such supplementary measures oh might bo necessary to perfect a popular constitution , and to bring within tho pnlo of tho francliiso all eligible persons , not included in ft wimple Homo Suffrage . Thoro is , perhaps , ' sojno chance for thoso being listened to who profess nothing but what thoy boliovo , and who ( as Lolgh Hunt has Homowhoro said ) " boliovo nothing that tho wise muy disapprove , " and who doniaml nothing but that which sooms roasonablo and practical , — -Who seek to build up no Utopian " system , " but to mipply an actual want of tho nation , to oflbr a supply within its opportunities and mcantf of realization , Thoso acquainted With the persona who make up tho

      bulk of our ¦«« popular" meetings , especially the clamorous and obstructive part , know very Well that not one in twenty , probably not one in a hundred , is ^ a registered member of any political association . Now it is not too much to expect , that every man Who claims political rights publicly , should put upon record , annually , somewhere or other , under some name or other , in connexion with sbine party or other , his desire , and subscribe sonie sum , small or large , in testimony that he is willing to be at some personal trouble to attain what he clariiour ' s for ho loudly .

      Organization is a word not understood by the " people * ' of this country . Of " discipline , " they have no idea , and no experience . Of these high things , we cannot speak . But the simple act of personal registry may be made an inexorable requirement , and nohody has a right to be listened to in public , who has not performed this first act of a Reformer ^ who means what he says . Our committee , therefore , proposes to create a Registry of all the working class , —of those , at least , whom it is able to reach , of those who are prepared to give practical proof of their fitness for the exercise of the suffrage , by acting in concert ( in a generous spirit of nationality which recoguises the interests of the

      whole people ) with all who go in the same direction . Tired of that " fraternity" which has resulted , hitherto , in violent antagonisms , this committee will respect the independent convictions of those who may feel bound to oppose it j but , at the same time , no such respect , nor any favour to friends , however bound to it by past alliances , will debar it from taking the most energetic and direct means to attain full victory for its principles . Yet , however steadfast in the prosecution of its own object , this committee would offer no obstruction to any who seek less or more : but rather encounter the sus- < picions and jealousies which have divided sincere Reformers , by a spirit of generous construction towards others , and of patient relf-reliarice in the zeal and conviction of its own members . ¦ I ' .

      If , in the metropolis and in the provinces , those persons having alliances and personal friends , or some public influence , will assemble them together , —that isi as many as can agree to promote objects such as those now indicated , and in the spirit indicated , and proceed to bring all other accessible individuals to the same way of thinking and acting , Auxiliary associations will arise in every place , and the whole of the people who could be relied upon would be registered . It would

      matter nothing under what various names ( always provided they were sensible ) these committees were known ; they would have a common object , and be animated by one spirit . This is not a scheme for discussion or talk , but for collecting together the existing opinion upon this subject , and organizing it for action . These groups once in operation , they could be summoned for aggregate action , whenever the aggregate expression of their opinion was wanted .

      Tho National and Parliamentary Eoform Association might do this . Sir Joshua Walmsloy , Mr . Hume , or Mr . Cobden , wero he so disposed , might , at any time , command , the whole of these Associations , which would exist but for action on the Government . Whoever aroso and proved himself the ablest general , or whoever could anywhere form a strong party , likely to carry the point with tho " nation , would have , by preference , tho leadership . As victory always goes with the strongest ,

      ceteris paribus , so tho people ought to be ready to follow the strongest party who mean tho right thing . Independent centres , with capacity for consentaneous action , is tho want of tho day . Individual movement is energetic and unembarrassed , and it creates a field for tho Commander to occupy . At present , tho " Coming Mian" has nowhithcr to como to . In this way wo may prepare for organization . Improvise tho materials—it will soon got direction .

      Animated by some definite- idou , members of Parliament mny be usefully influenced at tho approaching elections . At preoent , thoy pay little attention to tho * popular demand , " because that demand is inarticulate ; or givos forth an uncertain sound . Ion .

      Ukauties Olithis Peotkotionibt Wkitkk8 A...

      UKAUTIES OliTHIS PEOTKOTIONIBT WKITKK 8 AND OltATOKH . Loiu > John Rushum- in not celebrated for his syntax , but ho is not vuhjar in his phrano , n » r often incorrect in his choioo of opithots ; and as a critic , ho nhinon whon Protectionist composition comet ) under his wiUro . It is de l ightful to boo tho gusto with which ho aslca how , aa Lord Malmosbury supposes , a man may bo " cut down in . Hydo Pnrk , by accidentally hustling a violent soldior . " Admitting that Muhnonbury is easy gamo , lot uh pass to a moro distinguished parson , who suyn that , for al l his eloquence , Lord PalmorHl . 011 hud only " aggravated tho stato of Italy 1 " It 1 h tho company that does it : the moHt accomplished of writers cannot kooi > comparty with Malmonbunos , and riot contract shocking habits of stylo , , By tho way , tho Standard if ) learned and ingenious ^ it defends lord . Derby , whiohovor way Ilia vano tfoihta , and . extracts promises of Protection from Diawwlii wel should like to boo how it could defend MohacBbury'astvlo .

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), June 19, 1852, page 17, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_19061852/page/17/