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Leader (1850-1860), 19th February 1859, Edition 2 of 2, Page 17, No. 465, February 19, 1859.] THE LEAD E ...

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    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

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      No. 465, February 19, 1859.] The Lead E ...

      No . 465 , February 19 , 1859 . ] THE LEAD E B . 241

      Ad01708

      WE THIS DAY PRESENT TO OUR READERS AN ANALYSIS OF THE POSITION OF THE JOINT-STOCK BANKS OF LONDON on 30 TU June and 31 st Dec . 1858 , Together with a Comparison of their Progress and respective Amounts of Pro fits , Increase of Capital , Sfc , Compiled and arranged expressly for this Paper from the best authorities . ¦ with 0 EIOINAL REMARKS . ¦ ¦ ¦ ' — : o '

      Ad01709

      " PRICES OF THE LEADER . " Unstamped , FIVEPENCE . Stamped , Sixpence . Quarterly , unstamped - - # 0 5 5 Do ., stamped - - - 0 6 6 Yearly ( prepaid ) , stamped - 16 0 ONE GUINEA PER YEAR ' , UNSTAMPED , l'KEPAID .

      Ad01710

      ^^^^^^^^^^^ BM ^^ PiFTlKUff * fi i ^ fTfn } t * I t ' WJ % J ' ' * " J' ^ I ^ " ' ^^ f ^ y i ii ^ ^'¦^ TT'T *^ - *^!^ ^^ * ' lurir' J ri" - ~ - " ^ -r-- * - *¦ NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS . No notice can be taken of anonymous correspondence . Whatever is - ' intended for insertion must be authenticat e d by the name and address of the ' writer ; -not ' necessarily for publication , but as a guarantee of his good faith . It is impossible to acknowledge the mass of-letters we receive . Their insertion is often delayed , owing to aprt-ss of matter ; and when omitted , it is frequently froin reasons quite independent of the merits of the communication . - . . ¦ - . ' . - . -. ' -, ¦ - . ' We cannot undertake to return rejected communications . Qejeue de yACTXE is . thanked , but declined , as we do not . insert origiiial-Verses . OFFICE , NO . , CATHERINE-STREET , STRAND , W . C ., The commodious premises formerly occupied by the Morn'ixg Herald .

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      Saturday, February 19, 1859.

      SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 19 , 1859 .

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      There Is Nothing' So. Revolutionary, Bec...

      There is nothing' so . revolutionary , because there is nothing . so unnatural iind convulsive , as the strain to keep things Jixed when all tho world is by the very law of its creation In eternal prog-roan . —Dr . Aksold .

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      that af ter their scheme for reconstructing the representation had been adopted by the Cabinet , it was deemed expedient to take what may be called political soundings , among the various sec ^ - tions of their own party , in order to ascertain as far as possible how far unanimity might be expected from them in the . way' . ' of support . In the main , we have reason to believe that no insuperable difficulties were thus elicited ; but , on the contrary , a very general concurrence of opinion was found to prevail as to the propriety of the changes likely to be brought forward * At the ; same time , it is impossible to deny that in certain quarters a

      tensecond residing ,, of a perverse or fanatical few whose support , he must well know , can be purchased by nothing short of a thoroughly bad bill .

      dency to object , if not to frustrate , has become apparent , and that at the present moment Ministers have to weigh in opposite scales the danger of alienating a score or two of hitherto attached friends , and the risk of provoking the rejection of their bill on the second reading by a majority of the House of Commons . The country , we believe , is willing to make a good deal of allowance for the inherent 3 difficulties ' of their situation . For the sake of keeping then- party together , it is obvious that they may bid a little less at first , in the way of concession , than they are really prepared to yield . They may deem a certain coqueterie de

      moderation permissible and ' prudent ; and if they choose to give the Whigs or the Radicals a minor share of the credit they shrink from attempting to monopolise in the success of their bill , the public in general will be as-much inclined to laugh as to frown . But the limits within which this sort of thing may safely be done are narrower than might be at first sig ht imagined ; and Lord Derby and his colleagues will fall into a grave and , we fear , an irreparable error , if , for the sake of propitiating a few stiff-necked adherents , they waiver , or seem to waiver , too far from then- own original convictions of : what is right . We do not fear their

      fivin < T way to such influences on the subject of the county franchise .. The decision of Parliament has already been pronounced so unequivocally . in favour of . a large reduction of the occupation suffrage , and the consequent extension of the agricultural constituencies , that we do not apprehend any seriotis mistake being made about the matter . Without the ballot , we are only afraid that the new county electors would be too much subject to pressure from the lords , and squires , and parsons of their respective districts ; and assuredly the landed interest has nothing to fear from the electoral hostility of'the-10 / . or 12 Z , householders in country

      towns . As the county constituencies will be vastly increased , it does not seem unreasonable that the 40 s . freeholders , who now vote for the county , out of property situate in the parliamentary boroughs within its confines , should be given the alternative at least of voting for the borough where their qualification lies , instead of the county wherein it does not . There cannot possibly be a greater anomaly than the present system ; and there could not be a more legitimate method of reinforcing with a sound and independent element , the constituencies of the towns . Nevertheless , we think it not improbable that a cry will

      be raised against the change we have indicated , not on account of its legal or constitutional tendencies , but because some foolish Whigs imagine that they would lose a certain amount of available party strength in counties they have hitherto looked upon as their own . They cannot , indeed , avow this as a reason for objecting , and it will bo difficult to invent one of a broader or more legitimate kind that will stand the test of discussion . Where political power is , however , in question , men seldom fail to deyise plausible pretexts for what they seek to accomplish . We do trust that the earnest section of Liberals will not give any countenance to factious proceedings in tho conduct of the coining contra *

      wont serious modifications between their first inception and legislative birth , we should not think of saying a word upon the subject , ponding Mr . Disraeli ' s promised exposition ; but tho personal history of most pf our modern statesmen whose experiences have been given to the world attests tho fact that the strongest and wisest administrations have held themselves free up to tho last moment to consider additional suggestions , and to reconsider matters ( on which they , had already come to an agreement , who ! ' © good < 5 auae could be shown . Unless wo ore ' much misinformed , a pracwce so natural , and wo think so prudent , has not been got at nought by our present rulers . It is very generally believed in well-informed circles

      ^ GOVERNMENT REFORM BILL . The day has at length been definitively fixed for the introduction of the Ministerial measure of Reform . It is exactly one day earlier than that which was chosen by Lord John Russell in 1831 for the announcement of a . similar measure . It cannot , therefore , be said with any fairness that there has been unprecedented or unnecessary delay . Lord Derby and his friends have made up their minds to stake their existonce , as a Government * upon the question ; and it only remains now for the country to decide whether they shall prove themselves equal to the occasion . If wo believed that Government projects of law were always formed on strict logical bases , and that , once formed , they never subsequently

      undervorsy . Once more , however , we must repeat our sincere persuasion that tho reception which the bill will meet with generally , and its ultimate fate—whether that fate is io be decided in tho lobby or on the hustings—will ihainly depend upon the extension of the suffrage to tho inhabitants of towns . 11 is , after all , by tho cordiality with which they accept and adopt tho measure that itn success can alone bo insured , Neither cajolery nor coercion can avail aught in determining their verdict . If Mr . Disraeli is authorised to announce a substantial increase of tho voting privileges tho industry and intellect of the ^ owna are now permitted to exercise , he need care little i' or the doHortion , on tho

      Lord John Russell On Bankruptcy. We Like...

      LORD JOHN RUSSELL ON BANKRUPTCY . We like Lord John Russell ' s measure ,, to amend and consolidate the Bankrupt Laws , better than the measure of the L < ord Chancellor . It gives us only one ¦ enactment for the old twenty and a new " patch . " It supplies , too , a method of regulating ¦ compromises , and a method of enabling creditors to divide a bankrupt ' s estate without incurring the expense of going through the Bankruptcy Court ; it gives a jurisdiction in bankruptcy to the county courts , and , carrying out more effectually than the rival measure the views of the commercial delegates

      is to be preferred . Like the Lord Chancellor ' s measure , it abolishes the distinction between bankruptcy and insolvency , and establishes only one court for both . It * throws the expense of administering justice in this case , as in others , on the public rather than on the suitors . One of the greatest improvements proposed by Lord John Russell is that of doing away with the necessity of having recourse to an official assignee , which is entirely due to Lord Brougham's enactment . Before it was passed , the creditors appointed their own assignee , and Lord John will enable them again to do this . With what we regard as

      insincerity , however , the latter noble Ioi'd , while he entirely upsets his noble Mend ' s enactment , found it necessary to compliment him for his sph-ited exertions to improve the law . It would be more creditable to both did the praise come from a person who had not been at the time a colleague , and therefore an accomplice , of Lord Brougham in passing the injurious law which Lord John at once praises and proposes to abolish . There is a want , perhaps , iti the bill of some coercive measure to make the bankrupt give up all his property ; at least , that is complained of , but we do not see how anv measure , more . coercive could be adopted than

      the present practice of making it felony for a bankrupt to conceal or surreptitiously subtract his property from the control of his creditors . Lord John does not , like Lord Chehnsford , make it compulsory oil the-court to award a . certificate after a certain period , which we think should be the necessary consequence of a bankrupt passing his examinations , lie proposes to do away with different classes of certificates , and enables the court to grant or withhold a certificate . lie proposes , which we tliink quite proper , 'to provide . a means for prosecuting any bankrupt accused of fraud , and punishing him as . any other knave should be punished .: For want of a public prosecutor these means nijvy not t > e immediately ready ; but it is a right principle that punishment should only be inflicted by the award of jury . A conviction before a jury is to be sufficient to prevent a person entering into trade and again cheating those who confide in them . All these seem to be good propositions , and we _ trust they will be skilfully carried out by the bill introduced by the noble lord , with the co-operation of tlie ( k'loirates from the Chambers of Commerce .

      Mr. Gladstone's Mission. Notwithstanding...

      MR . GLADSTONE'S MISSION . Notwithstanding the malevolent pains taken to dispupi tf 0 ' Mr . Gladstone ' s motives in going to Ioniu , and to defame him during his sojourn there , not n single individual could be found among the numerous constituency of Oxford to ruiso a question us to the propriety of his conduct during the last three months ; . and he 1 ms , for the sixt ) i or seventh ' time , been re-elected member for the first mul greatest of our Universities ; It h to bojhopud that nllcr this unanimous ami ujiliesitating verdict we shall Uoar no more of the el ' mrgvs oi ' poi-sonaJ treachery and public treason so wantonly preferred agaiimt the distinguished Envoy . It is infinitely to JJr , Qljidstone ' s credit that he hns neither shrunk from accepting , ad interim , the post vacated by Sir John Young , when , it became ujmarent that his doing so might enable him , with bettor eft ' eel , to promulgate the reforms < iontoniphv . ted by the Home dovonimout j nor suilered liinisolf to be bulliuil by sneers or taunts at home into departing li'om that calm and dignified tone of conciliatory firmness which alonu is worthy the representative of a great empire when expostulating with , mi iWtfi'y but helpless people . Having road to the Ionian Assembly tlio answer of the C ^ t ieen to their petition tor imiwxntion to CJvulmm ! , In which her Majesty peremptorily refuses

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 19, 1859, page 17, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_19021859/page/17/