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Leader (1850-1860), 18th June 1859, Edition 2 of 2, Page 13

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    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

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      Public Affairs.] The Leader, 745 Hs Sir ...

      Public Affairs . ] THE LEADER , 745 hs Sir Richard Bethell iscommencement of the the of the

      Ad01307

      SUBSCRIPTION TO " THB LEADER . " ONE GUINEA PER YEAR , " UNSTAMPED , PREPA . TI ) . ( Delivered Gratis . ) notices to correspondents . No notice can be taken of anonymous correspondence Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated by the name and address of the writer ; not . necessarily for publication , but as a . guarantee of his good faith . It is impossible to acknowledge the . mass of letters we receivc . Their insertion is often delayed , owing to a press of matter ; and when omitted , it is frequently from reasons quite independent of the merits pf the communication . We cannot undertake to return rejected communications . OFFICE , ¦ ' ¦ ' NO . 18 , CATHERINE-STREET , STKAND , W . C .

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      Saturday, June 16, 1859.

      SATURDAY , JUNE 16 , 1859 .

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      IpuMU Jtfatrs * - ¦ ^^ .

      There Is Nothing So Revolutionary, Becau...

      There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Dr . Arnold .

      A Few Days Ago Some Of Our Excitable Con...

      A few days ago some of our excitable contemporaries endeavoured to make the world believe that the " Saturnian Kingdom" was to be restored , or the millenium coming by parcels express , because Cambridge House had confabulated with Chesham Place , and the two redoubtable leaders had agreed to make a " woolly horse" of the Liberal Party , and exhibit its paces at Willis ' s Rooms . That performance being successful , another - « as announced . The most lion-like aristocrat was to roll about the carpet in fraternal 'frolic with the Reform lamb of Birmingham , while the children of democracy

      PALMERSTOX'S " WOOLLY HORSE . " Baknum ' s Woolly Horse was not a more decided sham than the " Great Liberal Party" in the British House of Commons . The materials with which the Yankee trickster compounded his curiosity were in themselves respectable ; and we do not wish to say less of the elements composing the anti-Tory phalanx ; but ' there is a resemblance in result , and Lord Palmerston ' ss new Cabinet seems to prove that the " . Liberal Party" is a delusion quite as much as the " Woolly Horse" was a fraud .

      defend rotten boroug : to uplift his voice for legal and electoral reform , while the senile and sonorous Campbell - is to drown his subordinate ' s plaintive cry . Messrs . Cobden and Gibson are to be overlaid by the three Whig baronets , and as Indian affairs demand a peculiar combination of administrative and financial skill , that Member of the triad most celebrated for possessing neither is to take them under his care . " Benjamin ' s mess" was nothing to the Palmerston hotch potch , but we thank him for it , as we believe it will teach both the people and their representatives a useful lesson .

      The House of Commons has acted in defiance of constitutional principles , and richly deserved its own disgrace . Instead of controlling the affairs of the country within its own walls , it has suffered itself to be managed over the wine cups or in the drawing-rooms of Piccadilly and Bel"Tavia , and delegated to family factions powers which it ought to have held firmly in its hands . Lord Palmerston was expelled from office for definite offences , which the House of Commons condemned , and a return to power ought to have been impossible , except as the reward of services rendered in that House , and in consequence of a

      full and frank declaration of principles and intentions that its members could commend . Lord John Russell was also under a cloud for his Vienna conduct , and other reasons that will easily be remembered . In his case , also , the House of Commons ought to have required proof drawn from conduct and explanations within its walls , that it would be consistent with the interests of the country to give him support . Instead of this , both noble lords are permitted to consider themselves inevitable niinisters , who have simply to wait until their opponents are in difficulties , when a few family meetings will suffice to lay . down dicta that the " Liberal Party " are expected to

      obey . Not only arc the chiefs " inevitable , " but certain subordinate persons are allowed to enjoy the same prerogative , and hence ministers are neither chosen by the Queen nor by the House of Commons , but both Crown and representatives are converted into a mechanism for giving effect to the impulses and interests of the few great houses who really rule the State . A House of Commons worthily representing the people , and conscious of its own dignity , would tolerate no class of "inevitable ministers , " would effectually resent all attempts to dispose of its votes by private arrangements better adapted for the transfer of a collection of poultry or a

      gentleman ' s stud . If the composition of the Cabinet does not answer the expectations held out at Willis ' Rooms , Mr . Bright and other leaders pf the Independent Liberals are bound to explain the terms upon which they consented to unite with Lords Palmerston and Russell , and what securities they took for the due performance of the contract . Vague promises that Lord Pnlmerston would be less jaunty and less reactionary , or that Lord John Russell would be less exclusive , will not bo held sufficient to have justified their conduct ; bub even , winer precautions than they appear to have taken will not exonerate the House of Commons which permitted private bargaining to take tho place of fair discussion within its walls .

      were to thrust their hands into the holes , of the Whig cockatrice , and play at marbles wifh its eggs . Well , the spectators are ready , the hour has come , the principal comedians ore engaged , but the performance does not begin ; sounds of impatience arc plainly heard , and if the curtain does not rise quickly upon a successful scene , the audience will be disgusted and tho actors hissed . After all , who is to blame—tho Liberal Party , or the aristocratic Barnums , who have made them into a ridiculous show ? This is a pructioal question , and must torco

      one which , to , drop all metaphor , upon every mind the question of PnrliniuoxiUiry Reform . However it may be finally arranged , it is evident that the new Cabinet will not justify the expectations of those gentlemen who combined for the overthrow of Lord Derby ' s administration . Tho country lias certainly gained additional ehancQS of keeping tho peace with France , as no member of the Paiincreton Adniini & trntioii would talk ns Lord Derby did at the Merchant Tailors' dinner , as if the preservation of neutrality would bean impossible feat ; but wo nro very little nearer tho formation of a Cabinet thoroughly agreed upon broad principles , or ready to oonmilcr that merit constitutes a « good a chum ns family to power and

      place , , Lord Pahnorston has compounded his Cabinet as a cook proceeds with a complicated pudding , setting oft" one kind of flavouring against another , so as to produqo a confusion , if not ft harmony of result , Lord John is to asuail , and Gladstone to

      Commencement Of The War, The Emperor Of ...

      war , Emperor French solemnly disclaims in the face of Europe all schemes of territorial aggrandisement , and declares that France desires , by becoming the saviour of nations , to acquire true glory , . with its unfailing accompaniment of moral power . We may wish that France possessed liberty while she offers independence , and we may deplore the memory of transactions that we would- gladly see buried beneath a pyramid of good deeds , but we cannot help feeling that it is a grand thing for a nation to shake oft" the dead dogmas of an antiquated diplomacy and proclaim doctrines which deserve triumph and command respect . Let any one read the miserable blue book just published on the affairs of Italy , and compare the silly verbosity of

      Malmesbury and Cowley with the vigorous truth uttered by Imperial France , and the result will be greater humiliation than Englishmen like to feel . France could see the Italian people , but our Foreign Office could only see the Treaty of Vienna . Now- we have a new Foreign minister boasting pf liberal sympathies , and yet recently professing to deplore anv armed effort to drive the Austrians from Italy and leave the people in possession of their own soil . His lordship could not see that a nation with an invader in its house wants something more than a Whig Reform Bill for its solace . JNow , we trust lie lias grown wiser , and will be able to understand that there is an Italian People , and that , he will also be able to learn that there is a Hun < rarian People , whom Lord

      Palmerston would not see in 1848 t 9 . Since the day when Canning sent the Duke of Wellington to protest against the " Holy-Alliance " principles , to -which Austria still clings , no English minister has had so splendid an opportunity of raising his country and himself , as that which Lord John Kussell will possess ; but if he is to be the worthy representative of England he must learn to speak like a man of this time . We want no fossil doctrines or extinct thoug hts , but the latest and noblest views of international duty and popular right . Is the Whig heart warm enough , the Whisr brain fervent enough , to answer these modern

      demands ? Will his lordship shine like a lamp , or flicker and smoke like a " light of other days ? " These arc questions that England asks with doubts and fears that we hope are destined to be dispersed . Meanwhile events travel by railway , and demand resolve as prompt , action as quick , as the operation of the telegraphs which proclaim from hour to hour that an old state of things is parsing away . Last week it was a question whether the Austrians would attempt a defence on the Adda , now they arc on the Mincio , and from all parts of Italy their forces are skurryin «» like frightened rooks anxious to get home beibre a storm . Gyulai ' s grand plans of capturinto liaron

      ing Genoa are changed ncsa » prudential dispositions to save Verona . J he Austrians are now in front of thoir stronghuMs on the Mincio and the Adige , ready to test tho worth ot their much vaunted " aquare "— Pepohiera , Mantua , Verona , and Leguago—upon which such , emnneoriii"' skill and treasure as they possess lias beSn lavished these many years . Of these the most important is Verona , constituting a large entrenched camp , and the place whore the most important communications converge . Ljikcn all to ether , these fortresses require an immense army for their defence , and it in expected that tho Austrinns will not , like hunted foxes run to earth , until they nre defeated in what promise * to be tlie Old will

      FRANCE AND TUB NATIONALITIES . Thb most significant event of the week ia the departure of Louis Kossuth for Italy , by express invitation of tho French and Sardinian Governments , who have supplied tho necessary passports . In January Count Buol told our representative at Vienna , that Austria could never come to an understanding with Franco on Italian affairs , because " France sympathises with , and protects the cause of Nationalities , whereas Austria supports that of sovereigns , governments , and of Vordra htahli . Tho distinct alliance with tho Hungarian pooplo , publicly proclaimed by tho invitation to Kossuth , adds justification to the stntemont of Count Buol : Franco occupies tho proud position of tho ttssortor and UofonUer of huuinii right , while Austria stands— -or rather runs—art tho fitting ohampjon o ( that combination of tho thronp and tho KiM «> Y » tlio orupor ' or and tho hungnmh , which sho dignilios by tho nnino of " oHtublisliod order . " , Alter tho nueeww of lUagonln , an boloro ti » o

      irreat battle of tho war . Baron Hoss bring to bear all that ho . lms learnt during a long life of service , nnrl he has tho advantage of a position reported to bo one of tho . strongest m the world . On tho part of Franco we oxnoct this most novel resources and tho latest dcvelopinoi t « of science and Hkill , whilo Jaribakh , eapabe by his amphibious education of being a hsh n the water or n iroat on the mounlnins , may manage to do « o « nothing with Lnko Uuwlo that , tho enemy L » t oxnevt . . Admiral Bouot ' s squadron mS a ho be ' looked Ibr in the Adr aim , as , an nek upon Venice might , provu a usclul < livorBion , nIld in , i W wool ;* , purhups . « l » ys , m , aha know whether llunirury is to bo invited to shuro tna shiVo Bravo Klupka , tho doft . n « lor of Couiorn ,

      ) mh issued an nditroriH calling upon his countrymen " lo form in July , a Uungurian army , vrlnoli alici fighting on I tuliun ground may return toils own country and tako part in a war of in . lupon . lonco , but thoslrongfli of Urn fooling which this docu-

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), June 18, 1859, page 13, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_18061859/page/13/