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248 The Leader and Saturday Analyst. |T£...
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THE REPORT TO THE EMPEROR. T HE reports ...
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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. Italy Ax I) Iirngaky. The Inhabitants ...
according to the census of 1853 , and could not have been very much larger when the ¦ . migrations began . - : If the Austrian Government does not seek an opportunity for renewing the war , its conduct in Italy is inexplicable ; and if such a contingency is reckoned upon , its behaviour in Hungary is still more perilous , and without reason . Instead of appeasing the anger of the Protestant churches , Count Thtjn is driving them to rebellion ; and it is not improbable that , before long , we shall witness a renewal of the old sort of religious war , but with the difference that the tyrannical and Popish party does not possess its former strength ! On the 11 th January the Protestants held a great meeting in defiance of t he prohibition of the Court .
Forty or fifty thousand people assembled , and the Imperial , functionary . commanded them , in the name of the Emperor , to disperse . The Protestant leader , in the spirit of an old Covenanter or Croinwellian , thundered out , "In the name of God I command you to stay . " The people obeyed what they accepted as a Divine injunction to support their faith . At this meeting- it was decided that another meeting should be held on the 20 th April ; and on the 1 st and 2 nd March smaller gatherings took place , at which many of the nobles of Transylvania were present , including Count Degenfeld , the brother of the Austrian commander in Yeu . etia ; and it was resolved with unanimity that the 20 th April meeting should he held . If
the Government should resort to forcts it is probable that a collision may occur ; and , if religious zeaLshould not betray the Protestant " churches into imprudence , the rickettyEmpire of Austria may find that the nineteenth century will overthrow and avenge the crimes against the llefofmation , of which its rulers avere guilty two centuries ago . The Court of Vienna has degenerated ; its superstition has none of the ancient grandeur about it—it is eflete and contemptible ; and if ' the Protestants can produce a Hungarian GurSTAvrs , their enemies will not be able to bring another Wallp . nstein into the field .
There-is nothing in the Austrian system to p roduce great . , and if one should arise , he would be likely to consign . Ms beloved Emperor to Leicester Square or Sp ielberg * an'fl grassp the power himself . " We watch this movement in Hungary with an interest that will be felt all over the kingdom when its bearings a . if & unders-tood , not only because it may lead to most valuable results ^ but from its strong' resemblance to those important passages in English history which contributed so much to make ii s great and free . If a fresh rebellion occurs in Hungary it will not be an outburst of " Godless . democracy , " nor a political
struggle in which the younger and less prudent part of the , population will take the lead ; but a solemn , determined , " Godfearing " business , resembling that , magnificent mingling of the Bible and the sword whiclv carried the Ironsides in triumph through every . field . The great danger is lest the outburst should be premature . If it is well timed it may stir up old associations in Tiohemin , and do much to redeem even Austrian character . ' from its levity and frivolity , giving to her Court and aristocracy something better to believe in than licentiousness and superstition , or roughly " improving them off the face the enrth . " . . The stories of Austria's alliance with Russia are much doubted , although it is known that the Czarina was in favour of such a scheme . For the present , GoivrcwAKo * % who htites Austria , is believed to have triumphed , and n new -rumour is afloat that tlie French Emperor has improved his relations with St . Petersburg , by offering ' to cancel that part pf the Treaty of Paris , which excludes , ships of war from the Black Sea . We oiler no opinion , on the truth of this story , and place no reliance in the conventions which diplomatists concoct . , There is no putting faith in princes ; one after another breaks his word or his oath , and few continental potentates are entitled to complain if the Tuileries should prove treacherous , for most of them have acted as if perjury belonged to the insignia of royalty quite as much as the sceptre or the crown . Last week our correspondent from Hanover gave im excellent p icture of the state of opinion in Germany , and the wonders of the excellent beer drinkers nnd tobneco smokers at what they fancy our apathy in tlie fnco of the designs of Trance . It is quite true thnt we have recovered from everything like panic , nnd entertain a good hope of escaping from any serious convulsion ; still our dockyards nnd arsenals are actively at work , nnd the number of our volunteers proves the wide-spread determination not to trust the chapter of accidents , but our own well-developed and organized strength . The Savoy business does not alarm us , and , efforts to make a bugbenr of it in the House of Commons have ended in ridiculous failure . We do not , however , wonder that any revival of Napoleonic aggression should frighten the Germans about their Rhine ; but if Germany will mn mad in its intestine quarrels nnd jealousies , it is from herself and not from the character or ambition of her neighbouy that her danger will arise .
Looking to tie false and hollow character of diplomacy , we are glad to find our Government growing less diplomatic ; but a fuller recognition of great principles is needed , and there is something like hypocrisy or vacillation , when we find Lord Palmerston saying that England may be proud of having given her moral influence to bring about the present state of things in Ital y ^ whereas both he and Lord John Russell onlylast year spoke very strongly against'the very , course which they now praise . Nor do they seem to have learnt wisdom from experience , for , as will be seen from the '' Further Correspondence on the Affairs of Italy , " Lord John Russejll now urges the King of Sardinia not to do anything- for the liberation ¦ of Venetia , just as last year he urged Miiin to do nothing- for Lombardy and the Duchies . If the patriotic efforts of Victor Emmanuel and liis great ¦ minister should succeed , and Italy be free from the Alps to the Adriatic , Lord PalmerstoNs next spring , will boast of the moral aid his Government gave to bring about such a happy state of affairs . We want a reconstruction of foreign policy , and need some one to arise in the House of Commons and defend a cause because it is right , and urge its prosecution whenever it is practicable . The cant of pretending friendship for Austria , and helping her enemies , is a national disgrace . The English people wish all Italy to be free , and no language should be held to Count Eegiiberg or any body else , which" is inconsistent with the plain rules of Christian morality , applied to neighbours who have a moral r ight to our support .
248 The Leader And Saturday Analyst. |T£...
248 The Leader and Saturday Analyst . | T £ arch 17 , I 860 .
The Report To The Emperor. T He Reports ...
THE REPORT TO THE EMPEROR . T HE reports of Hiinisters in France serve , like our -debates in Parliament , but . in . a more succinct and connected ' for in , to make known the reasons on which legislation is founded . They stir up . no strife of ai-gument , they awaken no passions and impress no convictions on . the people-j - but they record facts and motives , and are historical documents of ' cousiderable importance . The modifications made in the commercial , relations of the two countries by the late Treaty have been regarded as . so
momentous as to . require " the publication in . full ( mus reserve ) of the report made to the Emperor by M . BXrociie , " the President of tlie Council of State , and 51 . Rouiier , the Minister of Agriculture , of the manner in which these two negotiators carried into execution his order to negotiate the Treaty . It serves better than any conjectures or even statements of what the French think , to make us acquainted with the causes which have . so . long , impeded the mutual trade of the two countries , and with the advantages they now expect from the Treaty . "
The report begins by referring to the previous attempts ' . made by the several Governments of France , from thnt of the Restoration to that of the Emperor , to unite France and England by a treaty of commerce , all of which , except the Treaty of 1826 , establishing the ; perfect equality of the shipping of the two nations when proceeding directly from the ports of one to those of the other , were fruitless . With Louis Philippe ' s Government , soon after the Revolution of 18 & 0 , negotiations were active , but the zeal of the negotiators on both sides soon cooled . Tlie King was himself , us . a forest nnd coal owner , interested in Protection , and before the end of his reign the doctrines of his cabinet were less commercially liberal than at its
commencement . In the interest of despotism , the two ministers adroitly ascribe this general fhilure to the development of the parliamentary system , which they say subordinated the general interest to the interest of individuals ,-Mid established a formidable organisation against every modification of the tariff . They are right in saying that in a parliamentary system privute interests continually struggle to obtain advantages in disregard of the public welfare ; : bat it is done openly , and fails to * effect its object in proportion as the people become enlightened , and cease to be corrupt . There is , too , over more confidence to bo placed in the public
for enlightenment and patriotism than in any individual . Our parliamentary system has accordingly led us much more rapidly and more continuously to put down all attempts , by whomsoever made , to substitute . private advantage for the public good , than the Imperial systems of the Continent , with which the negotiators tacitly but flatteringly contrast the parliamentary system . Political agitation by private interests , operating here tlirough Parliament , has gradually put an end to almost every monopoly and every prohibition } but the two . ministers tell us in another part of their report , without thinking , apparently , of the bear ?
ings of what they say on the flattering complimont they pay to despotism , that every Government in France for the last thirty years—all of which havo boon more imperial than paxliajnentary—have endeavoured in vain to get rid of the prohibitions born , not of private interests , but of war ( pnfantdes pur Ian ma £ ~ hwrs da la gwrrti ) . Experience proves , therefore , that a paru ' a-
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 17, 1860, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_17031860/page/4/
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