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Leader (1850-1860), 16th June 1860, Edition 2 of 2, Page 5, LAW AND LABOUR^ . A CASE recently decide...

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      Amehican Politics. Nphe Republicans Have...

      was o-enerally selected for his admirable impartiality to preside at horse 3 races and fist fights . With these- qualifications . " old Ab . e Lincolx , " as he is called , will probably carry all the Western States . A man with no . other recommendation than his power of " ruining" liquor would certainly standjiO chance--of high office even ? ri America ; but when a . party ' adopts as its champion a politician , who , in addition to political ability and character , can do the things the people like to-do themselves , better than

      they can , he is sure to win an enthusiastic'welcome . The people of the United States like a hearty jovial statesman , who enjoys their enjoyments and understands their difficulties : and it is much the ' same in this country . Lord Palmehston certainly does not enjoy any great reputation for " ruining" liquor , but he has the credit of being a hearty man , taking an-interest in English sports , and he owes his popularity to that reputation and to his perennial liveliness , much more than to his " spirited foreign policy . "

      The llepublieahs liave a good start , and a good candidate . They have a platform equally calculated to conciliate the sympathy of the people whose votes they want , combining , as it does * moderation on the Slavery question with rampant Protectionism , and only some great blunder of their own , some intestine squabble fomented by slighted aspirants to the Presidency , or some speedy'termination of the divisions of . their opponents , can deprive them of the victory . At present , the discord- in the-liernocra ' tic ranks is as fierce as ever . The friends of Mr .

      Dougla s insist as strongly -upon his nomination , and the adoption on the platform of his doctrine of " squatter sovereignty , " or at least of leaving the whole question ' open . " The extreme South , and the personal friends of Mr . Buchanan , are justas determined to prevent the nomination of Mr . Douglas , and to have the new doctrine which the South has lately taken up , that Congress is bound to protect Slavery in the territories , recognised as the party creed . The adjourned Convention meets at Baltimore oil the 18 th , and unless by some wonderful management a spirit of unity ' Tuul concession can- be infused into its councils ., its sittings will be as fruitless as those held at Charleston , and i 860 wiLl witness . the complete disruption and discomfiture , of the -great" ' Democratic party . which , but a short time since , promised itself a long lease of office ,. " and relying upon that tenure grossly abused its power .

      June 16, I860.] '¦ The Leader Andsaturda...

      June 16 , I 860 . ] '¦ The Leader andSaturday Analyst , 561

      Law And Labour^ . A Case Recently Decide...

      LAW AND LABOUR ^ . A CASE recently decided by Mr . Coiuuk places the relation of the law-making and law-expounding class and the working men in a veiy striking if not novel point of view . Three workmen were elmrged with unlawfully using threats and intimidation ' to-force a builder named Philip 'Ax ley to limit the Hiiml 5 ^ Hfrml ~ d ^ & c , Sec . It appeared from the evidence that Mr . 'Anley had in his employment two men who had signed the document which

      produced so much ill-will and pecuniary loss to all parties concerned in the unhappy builders' strike . . The defendants did not choose to work' . with , men who had , as they thought , betrayed the interests of their order by signing the . objectionable declaration , and they accordingly gave Mr . Anlry notice that they would not work for him unless these men were discharged . Thus the only " threat" used was that of leaving an employment they did not like ; and after carrying-it . into effect it appears that they and their friends endeavoured to persuade other workmen not to serve Mr . An ley while the document men . remained . Mr .

      ConitiE , after citing certain precedents , decided that expressing a determination to leave work Avas a " threat" to "force the master to limit the description of his workmen ; " ami he went further than this , by declaring that the masters' document simply bound the men to abstain from doing that which was illegal , although , in point of fact ., it is as much directed against interference by arguments-as against interference by force . The legality of Mr . Coiuuk's decision will , it appears , bo disputed , but there is much more in the question tlmii the dry teehniealities ot an oppressive law ; and however much the ill-feeling between musters and men niuy bo regretted , it is obvious that il omu only

      be increased by such prosecutions and such decisions , which go further to violate tho principles of justice than any errors committed bythe man . \ Ye arc aware ,. of .. _ the . . . Jn . eonyeiiiiMiei' tlint capitalists suffer through th < - action of trade conibiuntinm , but all that either party ought to claim from the State is protection from actual violence or force ; mid their qunrrels , thus reduced to limits compatible with public order , should be solved entirely by moral means . Mr . Cohhie's law may bo fortified by im ample array of decisions -in a similar spirit , but the common sense and common feeling of justice entertained by mankind are outraged when the simple expression of a determination to leuvc on employment is held to be threatening the employment of force .

      We are not arguing on behalf of the course taken by the Society ' s men . "We think refusals to work with non-society's men , ordinarily , if not under all circumstances , amount to an unjust assault upon the rights of the men so persecuted ; but no wrong on the part of . the employed can be morally adjusted by a similar wrong on the part of the employers ; and a constant enforcement of the law as laid down by Mr . Corrie— -whose sympathies seem to be morbidly one-sided in favour of the capitalists , could not procure one particle of safety or convenience for the masters , but would simply change for the worse the tactics of the men . If the latter in this case had left without giving any reason it is

      probable that no proceedings would have been taken against them ; although by the employment of spies the masters might have picked up enough scraps of conversation to have carried out Mr . Co-krje's suggestion of an indictment for conspiracy . In domestic life the butler gives warning that he will not live with the cook , and the housemaid vows not to rub any more tables unless the footman is discharged . In higher life a Chancellor of the Exchequer declares he will not serve her Majesty the Queen tinless the First Lord of the Treasury can be persuaded to resign ; and throughout society people choose their

      associates without fear of Mr . Corrie and a barbarous law . Why should the workman be an exception to the enjoyment of this natural liberty , and why should the force of the State be arrayed against him in this preposterous manner ? The workman ' s auswer is obvious , lie would say , the capitalists make the laws for their own interests , arid nominate expounders upon whom they think they can rely , and the workman must submit till his time comes . Tf any one were to make a 'morning-or an evening ' s tour through regions where the working classes congregate , he would , find that sueh an intervention as that of which Mr . Cokkie was the

      instrument has done more to widen the breach between labour and capital than the most inflammatory speeches of trades union leaders . The workmen know that neither the middle class nor the aristocracy would tolerate the application of such a law to their own ovxler , and" . 'that " 'its vengeance only falls upon , them because the absence of political combination and its attendant power has left them defenceless , and weak . The- claims and counter claims of labour and capital can onlv be adjusted bv argument , by experience-, by the spread oi

      information , and by the introduction of soinethingTike Christian principles'in the social relations of rich and poor . A few days ago , the master builders declined to discuss the eight or ten hours' question with the delegates of the men , and now they encourage one of their number to prosecute and obtain the conviction of two poor fellows , who will be regarded as martyrs by their class , How ' would' Mr . An ley or any other master builder like to be committed to prison with hard labour , for refusing to employ , or recommending another master not to employ , members nlLlhfi—Union ? And vet , if justice were even-handed and not

      iniquitously blind , they would have to take tlieir share of penalties with the men " . So long as capitalists are enabled to resort to force , too many of them will neglect the social and Christian duty of cultivating a good understanding with the men . If they complain that the latter do not understand political economy or social science , let them combine to spread a knowledge of such subjects . If they consider the demands of the men unreasonable , let them be ready again and again to argue and discuss , and when practicable to submit the matters in dispute to the test of a fair and actual experiment . If the money fooled away bv the men in" the late strike would have . sufiiccd to establish

      h ' alt ' -n-do / en co-operative firms , on the other hand the . money fooled away bv the masters would have built dozens of readingrooms and ' libraries , established schools , and replaced the mischievous pothouse by the civilizing influence of the workmen s club . There " is no ' doubt wrong on both sides , but t , he richer and -better-informed capitalist is assuredly the most to blame . If the masters' method of tyrannical law and obsequious police magistrate could succeed , the working class must be demoralized ; auifon the other hand , if the law did not punish the Unionists for real ofleiices against the peace , confusion would result . On bothsidesk ' t force bo discarded—willingly if possible , eompulsorily if not ; but lot no friend of human progress regret that capital

      cannot sleep easily while labour is socially depressed . Working for wages ought not to sink a man in the social scale , and it is a melancholy proof of real degradation nn ' il snobbishness when am emjrtoyoi ' ^ VYxl suspect thill the fear of argument too often nvUu * . . from' the consciousness of ignorance , but the country will come to no harm from compelling capital to buy a , little polite learning ; uiui it would bo no damage to the community , if , in addition to so manv thousand pounds , a manufacturing iirin found it necessary to its success to provide so' much knowledge . of social science and so much Christian charity as pint of its stock in . trade We could name lnrgti firms who . never qunrrel with their men ,

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), June 16, 1860, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_16061860/page/5/