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    ;.&88 rBE LEADER. ISatord^;

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    GLADSTONE IN COTTONOPOLIS. Mb. Gladstone...

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    Mr. Ifonry Drummond Luis Answered With E...

    making arts of jpeaee ; and instead of statues to Marlborough , Wellington , Duncan , and Nelson , you would prefer to see statues to the inventors of spinning-jennies and railroads , or to Kant and Jeremy Benfchatn . You think a broadbrim in bronze more picturesque than a cocked hat . You are severe upon Mars and Moloch , and prefer Mammon to both . Idolatry , like statuary , is an affair of taste , but Milton , who seems to know as much about devils as you do , tells us that Mammon was the basest and meanest of all . " After pointing to an invasion of England by Louis Napoleon as a thing riot done because we are ready for him , Mr . Drummond says : —

    " You state that ' the flower and streng th of European manhood is living in coerced idleness at the expense of the rest of the community , in order that they may be ready to fight ; ' it would be more true if you had said , in order that the rest of the community may be able to spin cotton and grow corn in quiet . " Agreeably to the cant of the age you try to mix up someftagments of Holy Writ to sanctify your folly ; and imagining that you are to be the means of introducing the millennium , you ask , 'if there is . nothing which Christian men can do' towards that end ? You want an universal

    peace without the Prince of Peace ; you want the world more quiet , that men may be left more undisturbed in the enjoyment of selfish gratification ; and you think that no one can penetrate the darkness in which you have enveloped history , both sacred and profane . Yes , you can do something to bringin universal peace ; join together to beseech the Prince ofPeace to come again , as He has promised to do , in the same way as that in which He was seen to go , and He will come and bring peace with Him ; but without Him ye shall do nothing .

    " At this moment every sovereign on Continental Europe has usurped over the rights of their nobles and of their people : the Emperors of Eussia and Austria , the Pope and his priests , the King of Naples , and all the minor absolute German princes . For this usurpation the people are vowing vengeance ; and from England their leaders have issued proclamations calling on all subjects not to War with each other , but to unite in warring on all the reigning families , and put them to death . II" you have any honesty and

    sincerity amongst you transfer your conference to Moscow , Vienna , or Constantinople , in all of which I can venture , though unauthorised , to promise you a inception much more ° consonant with your deserts than the urbanity of the Scotch are likely to give youjn Edinburgh ; and when the inhabitants of that city , and of Manchester , have been bi'ought to dismiss their magistrates and police , and to rely upon the pacific disposition of the rabble in those towns , it will be time enough to begin to think about what may be done with the rest of Europe . "

    ;.&88 Rbe Leader. Isatord^;

    ; . & 88 rBE LEADER . ISatord ^;

    Gladstone In Cottonopolis. Mb. Gladstone...

    GLADSTONE IN COTTONOPOLIS . Mb . Gladstone has had his principal holiday demonstration in Manchester , suited by its greatness in trade to receive with honour the manager of the national money . The inauguration of the statue erected by the town to the memory of Peel made this oration of his greatest pupil very timely . The speeches and notions incident to the proceedings were all tinged with a tone of healthy triumph .. On Tuesday , Mr . Gladstone visited ihe Exchange . He entered by the main doors in St . Ann ' s-square , amid the loud cheers of a large concourse of persons . He was accompanied by the Mayor , Mr . R . Barnes ,

    who introduced him to the commercial body , and walked through the room with him . The greatest anxiety was manifested to gain a sight of his person , and there was considerable cheering as he reached various points of the room , or returned . Ho appeared deeply moved by the great cordiality with which he w ; w received , and bowed repeatedly as he went along . Ho departed shortly after two o ' clock , and was again cheered as he left the building . The Right Rev . the Bishop of Oxford , and Mr . J . C . Hsu-tor , whoso guest lie is , were with him . It was remarked , that ho looked careworn . On Wednesday , tho ceremony of inaugurating the Peel statue took place . The site of tho statue is on the open space facing the Infirmary , and looking down Market-street . At twelve o ' clock , tho spaces round this were filled by crowds of working people , sih the

    majority of the artisans of the town had made holiday for Ihe occasion . The houflCH were siIho decorated with largo flags ; and tho festive nature of the proceedings was evident in the cheerful bearing of the crowds , and the well-drcHHed appearance of the working men . When tho corporation came on tho ground , the Hcene wan diversified by the red and blue cloaks of the members of the corporation . The principal persons of Manchester society were also present ; tho Bishop of Manchester ; Mr . ' Brown , M . P . for tho county ; Mr . Brothorfon , M . P . ; Mr . Bazkvy , Mr . Fairbairn , and Mr . Aspinall Turner . Tho hoiiHotops were crowded with people , ' and t he windowH filled with ladies . Altogether the picture presented was very gay and striking . Mr . Gladstone came on tho ground , accompanied by Mrs . Gladstone , the Bishop of Oxford , and some other friondH . He was received with enthusiastic cheering .

    The first upcech of the day waH made by Alderman Potter . Ho referred with warm praise to the memory of Hir Robert , Pool , and stated the statistics of the money subscribed to build tho statue . Over five thouHsind pounds had been contributed ; a thousand firms had contributed , and ninny thousand working men had added their individual subscriptions . Sir John Potter then formally presented the statue 1 <> tho Mayor- —the statue being at this moment- uncovered amid tho ohoerw of tho pooplc . [ Tho statue is ooIuhhuI ,

    and of bronze . It represents Peel speaking in " the House . " The attitude is reported as good , but the features are said to be unlike . ] The Mayor spoke , in accepting the-trust , praising the statue highly as a work of art . Mr . Gladstone then came forward to speak .. He pointed out , how Peel was not . alone the chosen and beloved servant of the sovereign , but was , also , the favourite of the people ; how he " thoroughly understood the working of our noble constitution , " and appreciated the character of " that great , deliberate and popular assembly—the British House of Commons . " Mr . Gladstone then calling himself a " pupil " of Sir Robert Peel ' s , praised him for " his purity of conscience ; " and referred happily to the site of the statue—not in a gilded hall , but in the thoroughfare of a mighty city—in the centre of the heart of English

    trade . The Town Hall was the scene of the next act . Addresses were presented to the Chancellor of the Exchequer from three of the highest public corporations in Manchester—the Town Council the Chamber of Commerce , and the Commercial Association . The addresses were more than usually warm and unreserved in their laudation , and Mr . ' Gladstone ' s private character was especially praised . He rose amid cheering- —very loud cheering—to speak in reply . With a very easy flow of natural oratory , he diverged from the usual expression of personal thanks to a very complete and pleasing picture of the industrial greatness of Manchester , and to the

    union of art and labour in its production . He then surveyed the present political situation . Party distinctions are much abated : and though there shall always be in all likelihood party machinery , yet it is gratifying to note , that there never was less of party feeling than last session ; and yet , with many Government defeats on qtiestions of secondary importance , there was a great amount of public work and _ business transacted , and many measures of great weight and importance were passed into law . Also differences had been softened , and political opponents had learned to think kindly of one another . He j then referred at length , and with great clearness of pronouncement , to foreign affairs : —

    " You have been pleased—I speak now of the address of the corporation , which I know represents the sentiments of the inhabitants of Manchester—you have been pleased to express your confidence that the Government wluch is now charged with public affairs will give effect to such measures as will conduce to the honour of the Crown and the benefit of the community . -I value -peculiarly and supremely—¦ every member of the Administration xnust value as I do—' this expression of your feelings . I am sure I do not misinterpret this reference to the honour of tho Crown , when I interpret it with reference to the question in which , at tho present moment , the honour of the Crown , as well as various other interests , arc deeply involved—namely , tho

    question of peace or war , which holds the mind of Europe in agitation and suspense from one oxtvemity to the other . If you are persuaded that the honour of tho Crown is safe in the hands of her Majesty ' s present advisers , I am sure that no testimony can convey to them a more gratifying feeling—I am sure that no testimony which can reach them Avill contribute more to strengthen their hands in the discharge of their public duty , and in bearing that conspicuous part which must belong to England in the consideration of every great European question . It was perhaps to bo expected that the delays and vexations incident to these protracted negotiations would lead to a sentiment of impatience among a portion of tho community . Undoubtedly it was to be expected in this free country that

    the measures and motives of the Government—especially while covered in some degree with a portion of necessary reserve—would not receive from every one an absolutely favourable construction . It was to be expected that the general sentiment on the present relations between Russia and Turkey , Avhere there has boon an overbearing aggresnion on the part of tho former , would bo that of eagerness and anxiety for Home marked and positive demonstration on the part ; of England against the aggrofwor . But I venture to nay that her Majesty ' s Government do not feel in the leant ; degree disposed-to shrink from any portion of tho responsibility they have osHumod in making every effort—m hoping , if that wore necessary , against hope anil beyond hope , which T am happy to Hay it is not-- —in hoping to the uttermost that ; their efforts would be successful in

    warding off the frightful calamity of a general war . No doubt the blood of Englishmen is up . when they see oppression and aggression going on . No doubt a contest carried on between a stronger party and a weaker appeals forcibly to those feelings which we are accustomed to think eminently national . No doubt tho lupso of time which linn already pawned without , any apparent result , is calculated to try the patience of the community . But trust me , gentlemen , Mio measure of the real greatnefls of a people lies in their power of wlf-eonnnand and self-restraint . ( l ( i 0 ud cheers . ) That ; Helf-eonnnund and that Hell-restraint , whether exercised by a ' nation or by individuals , is always

    liable to bo mistaken , and its action fo ho charged as indifforeneej feebleness , and cowardice . Wo It now , I trust , tho difference between them . Wo know that a dignified pationee , and a sense of the duty which wo owe ns men and us Christians , will not be wanting in readiness when the time comet ) t <) vindicate the honour of the country . ( Oheom ) What do wo inean when wo speak of a general war P Certainly there in a glare and a glory about the operations of war which appeal to some of the noblest elements of human nature , and which render us too little mindful , I ( ear , of its accompimiinents . When we speak of a general war we do not speak of a real progress on tho road to freedom—of roal progress in the advancement ; of human intelligence . Those may eomofcimofj bo tho intentions—rarely , I fbar , arc

    they the results of war . When we speak of a general way we- mean the face of nature stained with human gore—^ -we mean the bread taken out of the mouths of nullioris- ^ -we mean taxation indefinitely increased , and trade and industry wofully diminished—we mean heavy burdens entailed upbn our latest posterity—we medn that demoralization is let loose , families are broken up , and . lust stalks unbridled in every country which is visited-by the calamity of war . ( Loud cheers . ) If that be a true description of war , ia ifc not also true that it is the absolute duty of the Government to exercise for themselves that self-command which they recommend to others , and that they should labour to the uttermost for the adoption of any and every honourable

    expedient which may be the means of averting that frightful scourge . ( Loud cheers . ) I am certain—I might have anticipated it before , but at this moment I can have no doubt after the expression of your feelings which you have just given—that these are the sentiments winch animate the peaceful community of Great Britain , associated as tHey are in the works of industry and enterprise , and who , as practical meii , come into close contact with questions of public policy . They know the dangers we have to encounter , the difficulties we have to meet , and by their generous confidence I am sure we shall be supported . In . Parliament Ministers have repeatedly admitted , as you are aware , that it is their duty to maintain what is called—and

    with some qualification truly called—the integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire . But we know when we speak of that integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire , that we do not use the terms exactly in the same sense in which we would speak of the integrity and independence of England or of France , because the Ottoman Empire describes a sovereignty which is full of anomalies , the source of much weakness and difficulty , the affairs of Which , from five years to five years , ever since we were born , arid long before , have been the subject of European discussion and arrangement . We do not mean to express any opinion upon those deep questions which develop themselves out of the peculiar internal organization of the

    Ottoman Empire . So far as the European dominions of the Sultan are concerned , we know that it presents this extraordinary political solecism , that three millions of persona professing the Mussulman faith , exercise—I will not call it despotism , but I will call it by the mild name of dominion and sovereignty—over twelve millions of our fellow-Chris tians . We don't intend to enter into the various questions which ar ise out of this state of things . But what we say . is this , that it is necessary to have some regulation in the distribution of power in Europe , and that the absorption of territory , by one Power in the government of Europe , which would- follow upon its conquest of the Ottoman Empire , would be so dangerous to the peace of Europe , that it is the duty of England , at whatever cost , to set herself against it . That principle has been fully recognised in all discussions and all measures taken in connexion with the

    great Eastern question . But , havLag made that recognition , and having laid down the condition that the absorption of the Ottoman Empire by external force cannot be permitted—subject to that condition , and to any reasonable interpretation wluch that condition involves—her Majesty s Government have adopted , and have acted upon the principle that it is their duty , if necessary , against or beyond hope , at all events as long as a rational hope exists , to labour for the maintenance of peace . ( Loud cheers . ) . Now , Mr . Mayor and gentlemen , that i « what the Government has desired to do . There has grown up in Europe ot late years a practice of combining the groat Powers lor the settlement of difficulties arising in different ports . Many benevolent persons have been most desirous that a system of international arbitration should take tno ldaco of war , with all its frightful consequences . 1 ins is those

    not the opportunity to discuss the theory ot . genutmon , considered as a theory , but it is an opportunity on which wo may observe , not without satisfaction * that Home degree of real progress has been made and oxempuw within the liwt twenty years in the history ot J & urope - wards the substitution of arbitration for war . lho misoi ios of war between Belgium and Holland were prevented iy tho intervention of some of tho great Powers ot f ™ ^ mot by a perfect machinery , but by a machinery that ««• better than no machinery' at all . That influence . ol tic great Powers was used to bring to a termination tno t » v ™* ii- fhni nfflioii ., 1 Riniin nnri nn other European qiH . aw ""'

    a similar influeuco was exorcised with similar oiiot ¦ the case of tho . Ottoman dominion themselves in the yt 1 R 4 O , a war belwcen the Pacha of Egypt and the Huitro was brought to n determination by the agency 01 . EuropeanWw . Tho kingdom oi'Greece , winch . w mi y live to see , or at all events our children may hv « to b ^ playing an honourable part in the affairs oi 1 M 1 j ; ° lM'' , ' n kingdom won relieved from tho coneequoncofl ol w- j similar notion on tho part of the groat Powers oi h" 1 ^ It is well th . lt so much has been done ; and these aic in which the eflusion of blood was prevented , or itfl «> ' n . mu-n whh Hhninml . l > v nneifie intervention . A » tt V ' , ;„„ intoiv

    ( ion is to he distinguished from a meddlesome . ^ ^ tliat would involve us in particular quarrels ; "V" \* ^ , 1 ,, not an intervention of an officious State under ! ala " h ' . () l . tlio affairs ol" its neighbours , but it ih tho ™ yj * ' o f ylU . aflency of States that represent the eonibmcd ><>« - tlli lff rope , and have a rig ht ; to say to Europe , w » th »™ n ™ im ) * like-authority , that a ' particular corner or portion . ^ shall not break the general peace , or not us an "; V ninl ( , I 1 ( l on account of petty local arrangement * , nmi 'j' - f <> r l ] l ( , to them to enter ' into arran gements that wi ^ . | i (;() 1 ., interest , of and satisfactory to all parties . J" t j ,, rtpvolition is devoid , I know , of tho heroic and i < m »¦ L poaranco that belongs to achievements ill war , - fc . „ with intrigue , vexation , and delay and cl : m . nm . ¦ ¦ ^ Inio ; l , ut as the r . « ult contemp lated w . ' ° T * p 7 jtiinity offiiwonof human blood , and tho aver linff fw l Atq ) rive that , wotdd disturb tho operations ol '""""' ' ^^ jH smal l , nations of their Hubnistence , surely tho ' Boon j ^ jfr . and surely the reword is ffroat . i ° ™ ° l ^ ™ ' { nudi longer Mayor and gentlemen , I haw ( ietained you ju y than t thought T should have clone , tmtl uave

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 15, 1853, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_15101853/page/4/