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¦:. jp? •. ¦ ¦ . . . . ¦ " . October 15,...
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THE PEACE CONFERENCE. In the harndsome M...
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Mr. Ifonry Drummond luis answered with e...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The English People And The Eastebn Quest...
the royal prerogative was not hampered by clubs , forced upon the Sovereignty a family compact , or a majority in Parliament , there would be no such daring as they had witnessed on the part of a Calmuck prince , and no danger of the overturning of Europe . " These statements were received with loud cheers . ME . BBIGHl ' s VIEWS . Mr . Bright has written a letter to the promoters of a Manchester meeting against Russia . He says : — '¦ " I can conceive nothing more unwise than to endeavour to excite public opinion to drive the Government into a ¦ war with Russia in defence of Turkey . If such a war should be undertaken , I believe our children and posterity will judge us precisely as we now judge those who involved this country in' war with the American colonies , and with iVarice ^ vntb . this difference only , that we shall be held to
be so much more guilty , inasmuch as , having had the blunders and crimes of our forefathers to warn us and to guide us , ¦ we shall have wilfully shut our eyes to the lessons which their unfortunate policy has left us . Manchester and the two millions of people in its district will , I hope and believe , regard those men as their worst enemies who by any act at this moment shall weaken the efforts of Lord Aberdeen to preserve the peace of Europe . If men would let their reason guide them rather than their feelings , I am sure the pressure of public opinion would be for peace , and not for war . War will not save Turkey , if peace cannot save her ; but war will brutalise our people , increase our taxes , destroy our industry , and postpone the promised Parliamentary reform , it may be for many years . " A memorial to Lord Aberdeen " against war" has been signed , of all places in the world , in Sheffield . ¦ Finsbury is to have a meeting on next Tuesday , to pronounce in favour of the independence of Turkey .
¦:. Jp? •. ¦ ¦ . . . . ¦ " . October 15,...
¦ :. jp ? . ¦ ¦ . . . . ¦ " . October 15 , 1853 ] THE LEADEB . 987
The Peace Conference. In The Harndsome M...
THE PEACE CONFERENCE . In the harndsome Music Hall of Edinburgh the English friends of peace held their annual meeting on Wednesday , to take counsel together and talk over the question . All the leading gentlemen of the sect were present ; Cobden , Bright , Cowan , Miall , J . B . Smith , Hadfield , Hindley , and Bell—all Members of Parliament . Joseph Sturge , Elihu Burritt , and Henry Vincent , were also present . Ladies were in the gallery and clergymen in the body of the hall . The Lord Provoafc of Edinburgh took the chair ; the Reverend Doctor Brown read a " prayer ; " and the Secretary read letters from sympathising persons . Mr . Hume wrote that international arbitration was the proper course ; Sir David Brewster that war would die out like duelling ; and other public men expressed sentiments in a similar strain . The Lord Provost then made a short opening speech , and the Secretary told how the Society had distributed half a million tracts , and had held its meeting this year in Edinburgh purposely to counteract the warlike frenzy of the English people . Professor M 'Michael made the first set speech . ; he denounced war as inconsistent with Christianity , and characterised the soldiers' trade as " damnable" and dishonourable .
' Better be a shoeblack , a chimney-sweep , a scavenger , than a soldier . " Mr . Miall , M . P . was the next speaker . H « justified his part in the proceedings as obedience to the call of duty , even against the rising temper of the times ; denied that the press ( which is " gregarious" and follows the Times ) is on this question a representative of the people ' s will ; stigmatised the late " war" meetings as " seedy affairs , " and refused to consider the " vague sentiment" in favour of Hungary aa the' sign * of a positively warlike spirit . Touching the present question , the Czar was doing- in Turkey what some people wished to see done in Tuscany .
Mr . Cobden then rose to speak , and was received with loud cheers . He plunged boldly into the middle of the argument . No one ever meant to attack our shores—not even Napoleon the Great ; but wo have an idiosyncrasy of seeking quarrels in the remotest quarters of the glole . We have been successively fighting the battles of almost ovory people on the faco of the earth ; but wo have missed our objects and loaded ourselves with debt . " I do not wish you to bow down your necks to sin invader . Nobody wants or intends to attaok you . " The speaker then referred triumphantly to the change from the former writings of the presH' on the subject of the French aggression ; and
attributed to those "writings the present situation—the Emperor of Russia having believed that England and * ranee would not unite to resist him . But ho now JjnuH that ho was misled . Mr . Cobden thon gave a uty ' ^ * t > on ° f the chan ge in public opinion . " Now , I have often thought , supposo an individual had wee n ordered , as many pontons arc , for the benefit of their 'itittltii , to leavo our shores laflt January , take a voyage to AilHtralin , and return homo again at the end of nine months ~ -ho would have left England preparing her militia and
for-• 'lying her coasts ; ho would havo lof t general ofReorn writw » g to me , olfiiriiig to lay a wager that tho French wore coming —( laug hter and cheers ); ho would havo loft artillery and other military oflicora holding consultations , ukotchl S plans , and inspecting our fortifications ; ho would havo . «« deputations from the principal railway companies waitln ujK » n tho Admiralty and Ordnance to koo how noon tho « oj « u > i « aariat and advance supplied might l ) o transmitted jroin the Tower to Dover or Plymouth ; and ho would havo j ° » fc » n tho minds of all a dread of a French invasion . Well , 'e inmlo the circuitof tho rrlobo . ho saw no liownnanorH
, or ono reason wliy invalids aro ordered abroad lor the j ^ 'noflt of thoir health ia that thoir minda may not bo la * " 088 od by politico , and . what thoy rood , in
nowBpaporaand the month of September saw Mm landed again in England . The first thing he reads when he takes up a newspaper is that the French and English fleets are lying side by side in Besika Bay . He immediately says to himself , There is going to be a great battle . ( A laugh . ) He turns to the first article in the very newspaper which told him in January that the French Emperor was a brigand and a pirate , and that the French people were coming to attack us without notice or declaration of war , and he finds it declared that England and France are now so cordially united that their joint fleets in Besika Bay are under the command of Admiral Dundas , and that we are prepared to place an army under the command of a French general , with the view of acting against the forces of the Emperor of Eussia . The first question
he naturally feels inclined to ask is , can you trust the individual of whom you were saying , when I left England , that he was a brigand and a pirate ? If so , you are bound to admit that the friends of peace were right , and you were wrong . What security have you that the Emperor of the French , when the joint fleets go into action in the face of the Bussian navy , will not , in accordance with a recent engagement with the Emperor cf Russia , demolish your fleet with his guns instead of turning them against the Russians ? Moreover , having thus destroyed your ships of war , what security have you that he will not attack your coasts , sack your towns , burn down your houses , seize the Bank , carry off the Queen , and commit all those nameless a trocities with which you frightened the people nine months ago . " ( Cheers . )
Mr . Cobden proceeded to denounce the Turkish Government for their general treatment of their Christian subjects , and denied the reported progress of the Turkish nation . We who have shut up the Grand Mogul in D » . hi , and have attacked the Burmese empire with as little cause as a ruffian" walks into a market place and kicks down an apple-stall—we have no right to object to the Emperor of Russia ' s quarrel with the Turks . Besides , there is no treaty binding us to fight for the maintenance of the Turkish territory . Mr . Bright was the chief speaker in the eveningsitting of the Conference . His speech was a rapid and
pithy summary of the expense of war , with a current exposure of the absence of all necessity for it , and an indication of the family interests which cause military armaments in this country . He first pointed out how peace was yearly proclaimed from thrones , and daily preached from pulpits : how that peace had lasted for thirty years ; and yet the nations of Europe are now spending 100 , 000 , 000 Z . a-year on preparations for war . These expenses have driven Russia to frequent loans , and had caused a yearly deficiency in Austrian finance . But we—having had no coup d ' etat—having no Lombardy , ai « d no Hungary—spend more on military preparations than any nation in the world , independently
of the 28 , 000 , 000 £ . we pay for the policy of our fathers —a burthen that , in our coming race "with America , will tell against us . Not content with this , we now spend 17 , 000 , 000 Z . a-year on our army and navy . We take from India 29 , 000 , 000 Z . of taxes , and spend 12 , 000 , 0 OOZ . in warlike preparations there . When this expense is stated in millions , the people do not know anything about it . Arthur Young , writing before our last French war , put it thus : —'' A very little calculation would show that the expense of our three last wars , which had no other effect whatever but to spill blood and fill gazettes , would have made
the whole island of Great Britain a garden—her whole coast a quay—and have converted all tho houses in her towns into palaces , and her cottages into houses . " Or wo may uso another illustration . Tlie value of Lancashire , at twenty years purchase , would be 140 , 000 , 000 ^ . ; but take tho 17 , 000 , 000 ^ . a-year that wo are now spending , and throw it into a principal sum at the rate of three per cent ., and it represents a principal sum of 560 , 000 , 0001 . In short , every four years wo appropriate tho whole income of all the land and all tho buildings in England to support our military expenditure . All this money comes from tho taxes of tho people : —¦ .
" But what arc taxes ? The gold with winch you pay your income-tax , your succession-tax , your imports at tho Custom-house , and your double price of many of tho thing * you consume , is not picked up in tho streets . No , it is tho labour of all thin population that you meet day by < lay in town and in country , many suffering under bo . < l health and tulvorao circumstances . What class i » it that tho postilence sweeps down ? Why , not the c 1 o . hr that i » comfortably off , but the class which hi the lowest in society , whoso labour in most sovoro , wIiono toil in least rewarded , and which paHsea from tho cradle to the grave , knowing little of those many coinfortH , which many of uh every day enjoy ; that is tho'dfiHs who aro pressed by poverty , by misery , by ignorance , by crime , and by nil the evils to which men can l > o
subject , aud pressed by infinitely heavier screw when tho Government oxtorts from the people any amount of taxes , Which are not absolutely necessary for tho Horvieo of tho Stato . Every man who knows wluit Christianity in , who known tho diameter which Christianity gives to the Creator of tho world—wonders at times why there is ko much misery and wretchedness , and guilt in tho world . But men can onl y bo happy in no far as thoy follow out thono great , and just , and Christian principle * * which aro laid down for their guidance ; and if wo , who ar < i tho moro comfortable * , tho well-to-do , the educated , and the influential classes of oocicty , shut , ourwelvos up in our comfortable hotinoB , and fancy that all goes woll—if wo imagine that wo havo no need whatever to foijco any caro or thought of politics—if wo allow a monarch or a' Parliament to triflo with , tho wooHh and industry of tho country—w ^ o may bo
well assured that below our feet there is a vast mass of sorrow and of misery which we might alleviate , if we could not remove , and which , , if wo neither alleviate nor remove , win , some day or other ^ become an element in society dangerous _ to our own peace and comfort , and dangerous to the institution * under which we live . ( Cheersf ) Wei ) then why should not we look at this question as a Great practical question ? Our forefathers did many thines in ^ Jf > ^ , d wo la ™ done some . Why cannot wkdo this ? The Emperor of the French mav say , ' I cannot reduce my army to 200 , 000 men ; my position is not verv secure ; I have not the prestige of a venerable and ancient monarchy like England . ' The Emperor of Austria mav say , 'IhaveLombardy on one side and Hungary on the other ; ' buj ; we can say none of these things . We liavo n
trovernment wincii we respect ( hear , hear ); we have a monarch who , perhaps—yea , certainly—will bear comparison , and a favourable comparison ( cheers ) , with any or with all of her predecessors upon the English throne and We have a people more united , I undertake to say , at this moment , in regard to the law , and as a nation , than we have had at any former period of our history . ( Cheers . ) We have no necessity for an armed force to keep down the people , or to enforce obedience to the law ; and yet our Government , by a succession of tricks — by cajoling the people— -by persuading them to be frightened by one story after another— -has induced them to permit them to raise the military expenditure from 11 , 000 , 000 / . in 1835 to 17 , 000 , 000 ? . in 1853 . " '
Instead of defending the Peace party , Mr . Br io-fat then attacked the war party , and compared this country with America : — " I am ashamed to belong to a country that conducts itself as if it were a tribe of Red Indians . We never bury the hatchet . We never give up war . We have fleets prowling about on every sea , and bullying somebody on every coast . ( A laugh . ) We cannot be as rational as the United States . The population of the United States is about 24 , 000 , 000 , and by the time of the next census it will be as large as that of this country . Now , it is a fact that , taking' into consideration the expenditure of the Federal Government , the expenses of all . the States , the cost of education , the payment of the debts both of the Union and of the separate fctates , and the expenditure for military the whole i and
purposes , ncome expenditure of that great country is not more than 14 , 000 , 000 ^ . , so that we spend oh the army and navy alone , after thirty years of peace , and apart from our expenditure in India , 3 , 000 , 000 ^ . more than a nation of " nearly equal population , of far greater extent of territory , and of a trade nearly approaching to ours , expends in every department of government , education included . I would like to ask you now , if you ever met an American who believed himself less safe in the world than an Englishman ? Did you ever know an American cause pleaded before any Itoyal Court in Europe which met with less respect than an English one ? Did you ever know , whether in Austria or Tuscany , of an American less secure than an Englishman ? Is America a country less peaceful , or is it making- less progress than we are P " He asked for a public opinion against the war cry :
" , I ask you , citizens of Edinburgh , and gentlemen from all paiti of the country , if this should not be remedied even in our own day to some extent ? I ask you whether , with the freedom of the platform which we enjoy — with the partial freedom of the press , and I hope ero long to see it entirely free—with the freedom and universality of the pulpit — with publications pouring out from every press , and nowhere to a greater extent than in this city—I ask you whether , with all these elements for ascertaining truth and spreading information , it is not possible for us to create a sounder opinion in this country ; to aay to the Government , govern wisely , govern well ; we require no military force to keep the peace in England ; treat all foreign nations courteously , kindly , and honourably ; adhero to tho great principle of non-intervention
, and you may thon cut down to an extent ., which I will not now stay accurately to describe , tho army and navy oj £ this country . Having ' but twenty miles to crows the channel to a nation more populous , and as powerful and wealthy aa our own , I havo no hesitation in saying that ; a Government which was honestly disposed to take the course wo ndvifio would make some definite and tangible ! proposition to tho Government , of Franco , by which tho rival navies of tho two nations might bo diminished in amount , mid therefore in cost ; and every diminution of tho navies of I'Yance and Unglaml tends to promote peace between those two countries , while every diminution of our army at homo tends to permeate tho minds of tho people wilh the love of peace . Wo Hhould then see a pure , enlightened , ami ( 'hriKtian love of peaco among th « people of this country ,- and when that is tho cane 1 believe there never will come an
occasion m which an honest , intelligent , and patriotic Ministry may not adjust our fliderenoes with foreign countries without involving hm in the horrors aud calamities ot war . " ( Great cheering . ) He thiiH ended a speech full of facts and figuron , ami Hpokcn with great fluency and omphaMiH . The HpuecheH by other persons are vyry nhortly reported in the daily panel's , and do not ( loaorve note .
Mr. Ifonry Drummond Luis Answered With E...
Mr . Ifonry Drummond luis answered with effect n letter inviting him to the Conference . After tartly repudiating the tone of cxolunivo love of peace asmimod by tho members of tho Conference , he miyn ;—" You endeavour to cast obloquy on the profession of arms , and are indignant at ' successful warriors occupying posts of distinction in C ' ourtH aiuK ' abinots . ' Take t , |» e army and the navy as a cIuns , and tnko any other class of men in this -country — merchants , tradesmen , manufacturers savants , lawyers—compare them together for talents , pn * triotisni , honour , virtue , diHinloroHtodnesH , kindnesn ' selfdevotion—for , in short , ovory-quality that , ( Mumblon ' and I assort , that the military class in , beyond measure ' superior to any other . You would prefer to hoo statuc » orootod , to those who huvoboon moat cxninoat in tho m , onoy ~
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 15, 1853, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_15101853/page/3/
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