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No. 425, May 15, 1858.] iJLJL?. LEADER.....
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PUBLIC MEN AND "PRIVATE" ADMIN ISTtt ATI...
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OPPOSITION UNDER DIFFICULTIES. TiiEitB i...
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THE STATE BALL AND ITS DRESS-¦ ¦ ; . ¦• ...
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Independent Liberal Pabty. A. Hundre...
bring them " into contempt with the country . "I see , " Mr . Clay added , " but one solution of the difficulty—that the "Whigs v ? ho follow Lord Palmerston . must shake hands with those who are attached to Lord John . Russell . Both must then take a wide step in advance to meet the Radicals , and must meet them on something like equal terms in the formation , of a Government . " This was the spirit of the first meeting . At the second , held on " Wednesday last , no formal resolutions were adopted , and the discussioa derived a colour from the events which appear to be forcing on a new Parliamentary crisis . At the third , the impending crisis in Parliament hushed every other
question , and , while Mr . Bright defended the Cabinet , Liberals of Mr . Buncombe ' s stamp agreed to go with Mr . Cardw <|} l into the lobby . There has been in existence , for a considerable time , a committee of parliamentary Liberals , with whom originated the plan of appointing two whippers-in . to keep the party informed upon all matters affecting its organized action , and to assist in establishing apolitical concert among the members before every important debate . It may ^ be hoped , therefore , that we shall no longer hear of Ballot motions rejected without a discussion , and of a parliamentary Liberal , upon asking leave to introduce an important "bill , being deserted by his seconder , shouted down l ) y his friends , confuted by a Treasury speech , which it is impossible for him . to hear , and thus made to contribute towards a Conservative
triumph . Two grand objects may be accomplished by the Independent members if they do not tire in their attempts to consolidate themselves into a working party . They may wield immense parliamentary power , and act vigorously upon the public mind , and they may compel a reform ia the composition of Cabinets . It is simply owing to their disunion that no Administration has hitherto been formed representing the opinions , principles , and talents of the great Liberal party , that forty families have monopolized the great offices of state for forty years ; that courtly influences are obeyed when
popular influences are despised ; that cliques and compacts dishonour the very theory of constitutional government . All - this it is in the power of the independent Liberals to amend if they go to work without egotism or apathy , and especially if the most adroit of their immber are capable of resisting a temptation , to sink the party , and accept the first offer of a service under the Whigs . Some there are , we fear , in this expectant attitude ; but if the widening of a Government is to consist merely in the absorption of any Bernal Osborne willing to be gagged by a secretariat , the process will only damage and demoralize the Liberal
organization . The resolution , " that any Government wishing to have the confidence of the Liberal party should be established on a broader- basis , " means more than this , or it means nothing at all . Much time has been sacrificed to the dilatory indifference of the independent Liberals . la the middle of their second session they are preparing to move . Their time for preparation , however , will in all probability be short , since their votes arc now challenged upon a question afTcctingthc duration of the existing Government . Mr . Bright , we think , expressed the universal sentiment of the Liberal party when he said that no reason existed
for prematurely dissolving the actual Ministry ; but if a decision must be taken on a point involving something ; of far more vital importance than the calculations of party—the security and regular government of the Indian Empire—and if members act upon their convictions , a change may be precipitated oven sooner than , upon general grounds , he considered desirable . Is , then , the Liberal party in readiness for such a contingency ? There have been negotiations , and the Whig leaders thoroughly comprehend the terms upon which the independent members will support them ; but , for the present , wo can offer no satisfactory statement of results .
No. 425, May 15, 1858.] Ijljl?. Leader.....
No . 425 , May 15 , 1858 . ] iJLJL ? . LEADER .. 469
Public Men And "Private" Admin Isttt Ati...
PUBLIC MEN AND " PRIVATE " ADMIN ISTtt ATION S . We have new revolutions of hidden statesmanship . The great accusation against Lord Ellenborough in iact is , that he has not paid sufficient attention to the private portion of official writing . He had Lord Canning ' s Proclamation , and he had a right to judge il- ; but ho is accused of not bavins sought instruction from private notes addressed to the other gentlemen wlio have been in office . Years back we exposed the extent to winch this practice ot concealed statesmanship has gone . The correspondence between each department and its outlying
subordinates is carried on by notes , by despatches which may or may not be read , or by private letters which profess to be intended exclusively for the information , of the officials . In India this style of correspondence has been developed to enormous dimensions . The correspondence between the several departments extends to masses which would scarcely be conceived by the purely English mind ; every document being repeated at almost every exchange of letters . But besides those public and recorded communications , there has been growing up a literature consisting of purely private letters ,
and the practice has extended from the Govewior-General downwards . No gentleman has carried it so far as Lord Canning , who may be said to have reflected his public correspondence in a constant accompaniment of private correspondence , modifying , amending , contracting , enlarging , and reversing the public and responsible instructions "by private and irresponsible suggestions . 3 ? or this is a form of administration which completely avoids the inconveniences of publicity and responsibility . The practice has now been carried yet a degree further / In explaining the nature of the letter which Lord Ellenborough is reproved for not seeking , Mr . ¦ "Vernon Smith says that it was not a private note addressed to him as a minister , ' but it was a letter addressed to him as a private friend . If so ,
he was certainly not bound to produce it . But let us understand this statement . It would appear that public administration has come to be a matter discussed between ' "' private friends , " as an affair of their own . Lord Canning issues a Proclamation substantially confiscating the seigneury of the land of Oiide . It is a document which needs explanation , fully at a . convenient time , but in * some degree at once . It is not , however , thought necessary to make this explanation to the public Minister , though it is necessary to tlie private friend . In . short , the true spirit and intent of a great act of confiscation in Central India is a merely private matter . We suspected this view of public affairs , and we believe that it has existed for some time . It has
been said that the administration of this country has been so long carried on by forty families and their connexions , that they regard it as a family property . Their 3 iolding , indeed , is subjected to certain usages , as many a baronial tenure has been . A great corporation has retained its ' "holding on condition of counting certain hobnails ; a Lord of the Manor is obliged to give a flitch of bacon in some cases ; others nave been under compulsion to give ahorse , or to > lend a certain number of armed men on demand . In the same way , the forty families
are obliged , upon certain occasions , to consult the Commons ; but all these little matters can be arranged . Even the consulting of the Commons can be managed through agents , who see to the right composition of that body , and lake care that it cannot do mischief or encroach upon the power of the families . Thus -the administration of England , as well as of India , is settling down into a family matter ; and it will be bad taste as well as bad manners to pry into family correspondence .
These facts are the great arguments against any mesalliances . If statesmen will unite themselves politically to persons who arc beneath their caste , they must cither admit profane people to the family confidence , or they must occasionally break the routine by excluding improperly promoted officials from , initiation into the family letter-writing .
Opposition Under Difficulties. Tiieitb I...
OPPOSITION UNDER DIFFICULTIES . TiiEitB is some instruction to be derived from the last election wliich has taken place in Paris . The candidate of the Opposition , M . Hmcst Picard , was totally unknow 11 to the constituency , and even to most party leaders . He came forward only a few hours before the period fixed by law and took the oath . No address was issued in his name . All the Government journals received orders not to mention his existence . The only means of publicity at his command were the Sihclc and the Pressc , which simply stated his name as candidate for the Opposition . A few hills bearing his name were pasted on the walls . Yet , in spite of this , he very nearly obtained the majority ; and as other candidates were in the field and got votes there was no return .
A second election , therefore , became necessary . The Government did its best to agitate the circumscription in favour of M . Eck ; and , as before , ordered its journals to mention no other name . This time , however , the manoeuvre was unsuccessful . The existence of M . Picard had become known ; and , although many Itcpublicans still
preached abstention , the Liberal party showed itself sufficiently interested in the result to come up to the poll in greater numbers than before , and to give the previously unknown candidate a majority of fifteen hundred . The fab inference from this is , that the means at the disposal , of the French Government for throwing obstacles in the way of the expression of public opinion are very formidable indeed . The Opposition is forbidden to meet in any numbers , or in any public way , forbidden to issue addresses , forbidden to make use of the press in an effective manner . It
can only attempt to arrive at a common understanding by means of interchanged words or letters ; and we all know how difficult this must be in a constituency of thirty thousand voters . In England , despite the press , and public meetings , and committees , and agents , it is often found difficult to move twothirds of the electors of a tolerably sized "borough . Where should we be if deprived of all these means ? There is nothing , it seems , astonishing in the fact that , except in some very few instances , the Imperial Government always carries the day . We believe that throughout the country its candidates rarely unite much more than a quarter of the electors ; but , as the Opposition generally abstains , partly from deep hostility to the imperial
regime , partly from , fear , chiefly , perhaps , from the impossibility of coming to any agreement , power triumphs nevertheless . A very curious fact has been ascertained , namely , that a large proportion of the peasantry , who most willingly voted for Napoleon III . as Emperor are disposed , if allowed to exercise their free will , to give their votes for what are called " red" candidates . They do not even now see through the false pretences of liberalism on w * luch Louis Bonaparte obtained his throne . There can be little doubt , however , that , in the course of time , the Opposition will again come to have a clear and defined object ; and then the Government will be placed between the alternatives of changing its policy or perishing .
The State Ball And Its Dress-¦ ¦ ; . ¦• ...
THE STATE BALL AND ITS DRESS-¦ ¦ ; . ¦• ; . ¦¦ . MAKER . ¦ ; . - . ¦ ¦ A State Ball at Buckinghain Palace is a picture all the details of -which are rich , and bright , and graceful ; the figures living types of the social refinements of the time ; the beauty exalted to the last step between the tangible and the ideal ; the inner spirit of the whole scene the poetry of ordinary life . Cynics may sneer ; but a State Ball in that palace is a beautiful scene—a dream of fancy realized . Nineteen hundred guests were invited by the Queen to the State BalL on Monday evening ;; but the sense of number was entirely overborne by that of the harmony in which the individual , while retaining a distinctive personality , blended with the crowd . The flooding light over' all was smooth and tender ; the music seemed as if made by the motion of the scented air—it was so spontaneous , so thoroughly a part of the life of the beautiful picture . Nothing could surpass the harmony of colour which the eye took in at every point of view ; in texture everything that met the sight was in perfect keeping ; there was not a discordant form . A rainbow-tinted mist with sparkles of diamond-light playing through and above it ! ' How has this delightful effect been produced ? What is it that jrives the tone to the picture ? . It
is , above all else , the beauty of the women , heightened and completed by their dresses . Beauty " unadorned" is a * dream of Arcady ; living in the present , \ vc all acknowledge the added charm of dress fitting and beautiful ; a woman elegantly dressed—as the phrase is—we all admit to he externally at her best , that is , for ordinary occasions . But it is on great and extraordinary occasions , such as a State Ball , thai , we ) nost thoroughly realize the value of dress as means for setting oil *
to the greatest advantage the beauty of woman ; and we use art freely and admiringly to give completeness to the adornment of natural charms . Nay , we arc never satisfied till wo liavc exhausted all the means at our command for the accomplishment of this reasonable object—or till we think we have . Unfortunately , our views 011 the subject , of woman ' s dress and adornment have been limited by the barriers set up by Vaalxion—a system of patents and exclusivcncss applied to a subject on which reason and taste dictate that there should bo the
most perfect freedom . Tlio beautiful picture noon which wo have been looking at tlio State Ball is the triumph of Fashion ; it has filled us with pleasure while looking upon if ;; but is it perfect ? lias Eashion done for every beauty in that throng
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), May 15, 1858, page 13, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_15051858/page/13/
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