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    No. 438, _ AuGTJSTj. ^ , 1858.] _____ __...

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    COLLEGIATE KEFORM AT CAMBRIDGE. The time...

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    England Atffd. America. A Dispute Is Alw...

    forms its work , as it has uniformly hitherto performed it , languidly and without any real wish to prevent the slave-trade . " Here we have strongly set forth the determination to be right whatever the state of the case may be . But the Globe , making a hash of the Economist ' s joint of yesterday , and highly seasoning it -with pepper to give it flavour , goes far beyond its leader in " earnestness . " Iu all the late arrangements made between the two Governments , the Globe will have it , there has been nothing but •• ' bubbling " on the side of America—Lord Napier and Lord Malmesbury have both of them been taken in . by General Cass : Lord

    Malmesbury ' s " flagrant gullibility , " in fact , would disgrace the veriest tyro in diplomacy . The Whig journal will be right . It is nothing to the party for whom the Globe strikes in that we have not the right to compel America to send a single slave-preventive vessel into Cuban or African waters ; or that we have done nothing to prevent Spain from acting in open violation of treaty on this very subject of slave-trading ; or that , indeed , all our efforts for the permanent suppression of the trade have been unavailing . " But the Northern and . Southern United States , " says the Globe , " are—so far as regards the Slavery

    question—two nations , Anti-slavish and Pro-slavish . Till one of the two national divisions definitively triumphs , all transactions with a Government which cannot afford straightforward action in the matter , can only be conducted on our part with a tacit consent to being made dupes , or with increasing risk tiiat the two nations , as we have termed them , in America may , on some such pretence as this recent one about ' British outrages , ' be diverted fr om their domestic difference by a time-serving atid subdolous statesmanship , and combined in common

    antagonism to the ' old country . Now the danger , to our way of thinking , is precisely in this angry and contemptuous mode of dealing with a question wliicli is peculiarly a two-sided one . The rights of the " Southern" division ' the American nation are really not a whit less certain than its power ; and the policy of American statesmen may very well be regulated , in accordance with those rights , without being either time-serving , in the offensive sense of the term , or " subdolous ;" America is not at one with herself upon the subject

    of slavery ; how then can she—or should she be expected to—act as if the anti-slavery opinions were dominant throughout licr confederated states ? Her needs of black labourers arc absolute ; on what footing the negro is standing with reference to the white population , is a problem yet to be worked out by the Americans , assuredly not under coercion from us . It is for us to be content with the reward which comes to us from our sense of having done well in abolishing slavery in our own colonies : if slavery is a stum upon the national honour of America , it is for that country to purify its title to the world ' s esteem—as we did , not so verv long

    ago . . But it does nothing towards helping America to reach our high moral standard to be continually abusing her statesmen , and charging them with bad faith , because they do not do the thing which we demand of them , without having riglit or title on oar side . The readiness ot the anti-slavery parly here to believe any story of American diplomatic tergiversation or dishonour is n painful sign of spirit m which we nre dealing with that country . In connexion with Mexico

    and Cuba , almost any story of double-dealing and rascality on 1 he part of the American Government is credited here . 1 'ilibuster Walker ' s partisan , " Geucral" Henningscn , has only to give on apparently circumstantial account of an official'communication made to him with a view to provoke a war between Mexico and Spain , under favour of which Mr . Buchanan was to bring about his long-cherished scheme of adding Cuba to the number of the Unit oil States , anil the story is taken almost for gospel . But the desire of Mr . Buchanan to secure Cuba is

    so well known , his views hiwc been so plainly cxptesscd , that the idea of his resorting to any plan of realisation so nefarious as that described by lionningsen would never for a moment be entertained , but for the wilful determination of this party always to thiak and believe the worst of all men and all things American . Mr . Buchannn ' s policy has always been adverse to the admission of Mexico into the Union , and it is accepted by nil sound American politicians . His policy is that of having no outlying states , nud it wwon Uiat principle that the federal Government declined to take possession of the Sandwich Islands .

    A wide track of debateable ground separates Mexico from the United States ; it has a large alien population , speaking a foreign language ; and the country is in debt . These would be sufficient reasons to deter Mr . Buchanan from making any attempts to annex it , and at the same time to do away the idea of his making a bargain with such men as Henningsen and his chief for its acquisition , even as a road to Cuba . No one acquainted with Mr . Buchanan ' s -views denies that Cuba is an object of desire to him . and

    it stands upon a footing totally different to that of Mexico . Spain cannot keep order tliere , or protect friendly commercial visitors . Complaints of American traders are frequent . She cannot prevent tho slave-trade . There is no doubt of the fact that a considerable bod y of its Spanish inhabitants would be glad to place it under a strong government . The chief opponents of annexation are the officials , with whom the collection of revenue and perquisites is a chronic job . Another party is the Court of Spain ; which simply defers the sale of Cuba to

    America—Mi . Buchanan ' s proposition—on account of the large amount it screws out of the islanders annually , though strongly tempted by the offer of ready money to close the bargain . Mr . Buchanan's idea of buying Cuba is a matter of history ; but should a war break out with S p ain , or any European power , purely naval and military considerations would oblige the Federal Government to take possession o the islaud ; and that , no doubt , with the hearty concurrence-or the more energetic portion of its inhabitants .

    We have stated all this before ; but it cannot be too often repeated . The English journals are rei markable for their want of information on American affairs ; for such information as they have is supplied to order , American statesmen being painted to pattern . General Cassis a rough . ' and ! ready ' -. in an a block upon which the razor-cage of professional diplomacy may very readily blunt 'itself ; a man certainly not pleasant for those to deal with yvhowill be ¦ rnrlit . Mr . Buchanan is a lawyer , cautious , farsighted , the servant , not of any section the Union , but of the Republic . Perfectly independenthe

    , did not canvass for the Presidency ; and he lias not made his administration a canvassing for re-election . These men , then , are not to be called time-serving or subdolous statesmen ; they are not the men to attempt to maintain foreign relations bj ' * bubbling " the representatives and ' ininisters of great friendly powers ; and they are certainly not the men to strike a bargain with" General Henningsen" to get up a quarrel between two countries to cover an act of simple brigandage .

    No. 438, _ Augtjstj. ^ , 1858.] _____ __...

    No . 438 , _ AuGTJSTj . ^ , 1858 . ] _____ ___ 1 ^ H E LEADER . 805

    Collegiate Keform At Cambridge. The Time...

    COLLEGIATE KEFORM AT CAMBRIDGE . The time having expired for making legal objection to the changes recommended by the Cambridge Commissioners in the constitution of the University , the mortifications so suggested have acquired the force and validity of law , and will henceforth be embodied in the permanent code which regulates that great institution . As was clearly foreseen , however , the real work to be done in the way of reform lies not so much in the broad and common way of the University , as in the devious and antiquated paths of the various colleg-es . These , as most people aro aware , were founded at different times , by persons differing not more widely in station and fortune than in the ideas and objects with which they endowed them . Sonic of the colleges arc very rich in lauds and livings , benefices and books : some arc comparatively poor in tho scope of their endowments , and disproportionately limited in the attractions and benefits they bold out . In others , again , the enjoyment of such benefits is rigidly restricted to persons educated at particular seminaries , or qualified iu other special ways , the rensonnbloncss and utility of which no longor appears . For centuries the letter of the founder ' s will has ' been scrupulously adhered to , to the neglect

    orforgctfulncss of its obvious or presumable intentions . The result has been an infinitely varied disparity ami inconsistency in collegiate endowments considered as stimulants to national education . We urc as much opposed as any to the application of blind rules of uniformity in educational matters . We love diversity , for nature loves it , and wo believe that its preservation is necessary for the true development of national mind and feeling . But there aro inequalities and associations winch time has generated in our collegiate institutions that certainly ought to bo corrected ; and there aro prevalent usages which have survived the wants and

    ideas of a mediaeval state of society or the caprice of later periods , which every enli ghtened and impartial man desires to see reformed . The Cambridge Commissioners have , judiciously we think , resolved to deal with the statutes of the two principal colleges , Trinity and St . John ' s , in the first instance . The bulk of Cambridge men , as they are called , are enrolled in the books of these two learned and opulent corporations . Both have rendered inestimable benefits to science and to letters ; and we have no sympathy with those who would approach the reform of either with a rash , or irrevereud hand . We do not mean to insinuate

    that the Commissioners have done so , although it is certain that some of their suggestions arc regarded with sentiments of irritation and even anger by many influential persons connected with the two colleges . The changes they propose are numerous and sweeping . Many of the details arc too complicated and minute to be easily made intelligible to non-collegiate readers ; but the principal points are simple and appreciable enough . 'I'he Commissioners propose to levy an income-tax on the revenues of the colleges , so far as these are enjoyed by the masters and fellows , for the purpose of creating a

    iund wherewith to add to the professorships of the University . We have reason to know that the utility of this change is seriously questioned by some of the bestandwisest friends of educational reform . There is no general unwillingness on the part of the heads of houses to some contribution being levied iroin their superfluities , if its application be really useful ; but it may fairly be doubted whether the creation or enrichment of University ekairs is the best way of appropriating the means so obtained . Another and far more important change is that of relieving those who have obtained fellowships from

    the necessity of taking holy orders within a given timev We cannot too " highly approve of tins wise and liberal proposition . The condition was originally imposed with a view of securing for the service of the Church a number of learned men ; and at the time when it was imposed a necessity for it may have existed , or seemed to the founder to exist . But no one can seriously argue that any such necessity exists , now ; and practically we know that the working of the rule is , in too many cases , fraught with mere mischief to the interests both of learning and religion . Clever men , without a spark

    of devotional feeling , who have won their position in their respective colleges by their intellectual abilities and attainments , iind themselves compelled suddenly to forego their just reward , or to go through the profane farce of taking vows of ordination which they have neither the desire nor the moral capability to keep . It is not necessary to say a word or hint a thought of flagrant and notorious scandals arising out of this compulsory system ; the evil is palpable and deep enough in its most veiled and varnished form . Men who are in

    every other way fitted to be useful , honourable , and consistent members of society at large , and exemplary teachers and guides to the youth around them , are hy this unhallowed and uublest compulsion tarnished and soiled with the conscious guilt of hypocrisy , and arc thereby maimed in the lirst and best of functions—that of the moral influence they ought to exert over those about them . As for inducements voluntarily to enter the Church as a profession , they arc already abundant ; and it is not proposed in any way to lessen them . Both Trinity and St . John ' s have a considerable number of benefi ces in their gift ; and there is no probability that any of those would ever want a fellow who was a clerk to fill them . Ifor tho rest it is infinitel y

    better thai ; good scholars who have no vocation for the pastoral office should not ho tempted into nominally assuming it , and hy permitting young men who we looking to other professions to compete for fellowships , the general tone of the competition will of necessity be raised . A third important change is in sonic degree necessitated by that to which we have been referring . It is proposed that fellowships should be held for a term of leu years , and not , as they are now , for life . CJmit objection

    will undoubtedly be taken to this alteration ; and we candidly admit that the subject id fraught with difficulties which cannot bo overcome hy any summary method . That the present system tends to jobbing is incontestable . A provision lor life has n . certain mesmeric power over a certain class of minds which no countervailing influence can resist . Everybody admits that sleeping partners , howevee useful in trade , nro thoroughly good for nothing in learned or scientific societies . Some reasonable motive to continuous exertion amongst men who

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 14, 1858, page 13, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_14081858/page/13/