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    9^ 8 THE LEABEB. [No, 490. Aug. 13, 1859...

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    § rk+wi\ ^Ctfrt^vtM 0HXB (nO^clv fj , —

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    IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. Saturday, August 6....

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    9^ 8 The Leabeb. [No, 490. Aug. 13, 1859...

    9 ^ 8 THE LEABEB . [ No , 490 . Aug . 13 , 1859 .

    § Rk+Wi\ ^Ctfrt^Vtm 0hxb (No^Clv Fj , —

    ll ^ m ^ | j ^ m

    Imperial Parliament. Saturday, August 6....

    IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT . Saturday , August 6 . The House of Commons met in order to expedite the remaining business of the Session . CONSOLIDATED FUND APPROPRIATION . Oil the motion for the second reading of this bill , Sir Hi Willoughby put a variety of questions to the Government upon financial matters . He observed , he said , that a very considerable increase ( about 7 , 000 , 000 / . ) had taken place in the Funded Debt , the charge of wliich had consequently increased Avithout the authority of Parliament , This had been done by the conversion of Exchequer Bills ; but he contended that the operation had been effected upon terms disadvantageous to the public , whereby 469 , 000 / . more stock had been created than necessary . He insisted that if a conversion of unfunded into funded debt was desired the Chancellor of the Exchequer should come to the House of Commons for authority . He

    inquired -whether any measure was contemplated for amending the law relating to the custody of the public moneys . —The Chancellor of the Exchequer confessed thatthefinancial machinery of the country , so far as related to keeping and accounting for the national revenue , was full of incongruities . It was his wish to carry out in this respect , as far as possible , the recommendations of the select committee on public moneys , and during the reeesshe intended to consider the question with the view of devising such reforms as might appear practical and beneficial . In particular , he should endeavour to introduce a measure by which the finances of the state would be brought more completely under the control of the House of Commons . The bill was read a second time .

    The report from the committee of ways and means was brought up and agreed to . Other bills were forwarded their respective stages . The Corrupt Practices Prevention Acts ( 1854 ) Continuance Bill went through committee , after some discussion on the clause relatingto " travelling expenses . " The House adjourned at twenty minutes to two o ' clock .

    Monday , August 8 . THE TERMS OF PEACE . In the House of Lords , the Marquis of Nojsmanby , in rising to ask a question relating to the proposals for peace submitted to Austria by her Majesty ' s Government , expressed his belief that this was the only country in . which any mystery still existed in regard to the propositions of the peace of Villafranca . These propositions were popularly believed on the continent to be the joint production of M . De Persigny and Lord Palmerston , and were considered discreditable to our professed neutrality , which , in spite of the declaration 6 f the present Government to tread in the steps of their

    predecessors , had , in the opinion of other Powers , been often violated . In support of this opinion he quoted a despatch from the Prussian Minister at Berlin to the Prussian Envoy at Vienna , and insisted that Lord John llnssell , instead of uniting the policy of this country and Prussia , had established a complete breach between them . Ho proceeded to defend Austria against the charge brought against her of having been the first to declare war , and of having thereby abrogated the treaties of 1815 , and pointed out that Austria had agreed to a mediation , -which wtia rejected by Sardinia and Prance , and that Sardinia in 1848 had invaded Austria , but that the treaties of 1815

    were not then considered to have been abrogated . Willing ns he was to do justice to the noble impulses of Lord John llussell , he was afraid that the present Minister for Foreign Affairs , had taken a onesidod view of the question , and had' boon misled by enthusiasts who would , he foarqd , bo overborne by theMazzinian party . In connexion with JWazzini , ho reviewed tlio present stute of affairs in Control Italy , and especially in Tuscany , whoso prosOnt Government was moat tyrannical , and defended the Grand Puke from the accusation that he had ordered the bombardment of Florence Ho strongly deprecated any courso by winch England might bo nd

    flourishing , and happy ; but it did not follow that they might not have their own feeling and convicr tion that she might , by another policy , better ' discharge her duties and consult her own separate and individual interests . To understand the present position of , Austria it was necessary to go back for the last forty-five years . During that interval , wherever liberty raised its head in Italy , it was crushed by the iron hand of Austria , and abuses were re-established in all their rigour . The position of Sardinia , with her improved institutions , became of necessity a standing danger to Austria . It was necessary that the British Government should consider what , in the present state

    of circumstances , was best for Italy , for Austria , and for Europe . Might not Austria be stronger out of Italy than in it ? This was an opinion which might be held by honest men , and he was himself strongly of that opinion . But the true policy of this country , according to Lord Elcho , was the policy of non-intervention . What then , asked Mr . Gladstone ( triumphantly exhibiting the blue-book ) , . is the policy adopted and enforced in these papers ? If you go into the conference , Lord Elcho said , are you prepared to do this or to do that ? His ( Mr . Gladstone ' s ) answer was , the questions he referred to had not been proposed . The question for the House to decide was , would it , by a

    dry , hard , rigid formula , take upon itself the functions of the executive ? My noble friend says ( added Mr . Gladstone in conclusion ) , "If you have confidence in the Emperor of the French then there exists no necessity for-your taking part in a congress , inasmuch as he will do all you require . " That is my noble friend ' s argument . I am at a loss to know whether he could have used it seriously . My noble friend in effect says , —" The Emperor of the French ie , under circumstances of great difficulty , going to enter the circle of the other great European Powers , there to contend for objects of importance , the realisation of which is dear to you in your hearts ; therefore give him no assistance whatever . "

    ( Cheers . ) Yes , that is the argument of my noble friend , and if the House adopts this resolution it will be recording it ^ to be its deliberate determinationwhatever may be the disposition of France to give effect to the fair and temperate longings of the Italian States for constitutional freedom , and to grant them institutions more liberal even than she herself possesses at this moment- ^—that we ought steadily to refuse to assist France in the endeavotir , and leave her to struggle with the difficulties of her position , and , if needs be , sink under their pressure . ( Hear , hear . ) That is the recommendation of my noble friend , although—and I gladly admit it—it is not a recommendation which is borne out by the whole of

    his speech . It is , nevertheless , the advice which is embodied in his resolution , and I earnestly entreat the House , whether by means of a direct negative , or by following the course proppsed by the hon . and learned gentleman behind me , to dispose satisfactorily and finally of this motion this evening . ( Loud cheers . ) —Mr . S . Fitzgerald denied that the motion of Lord Elcho was open to objection as to its form , its object , or its wording . He defended the policy of the late Government , and pointed out the hazard to which tho taking part in the Conference would expose England if the majority were to enforce its decisions by arms , or to enter into guarantees . He dwelt upon the complications that must arise from

    the utter divergence of opinion between our representative and those with whom ho would have to act , with reference to the political condition of the various States of Italy , and especially to the temporal authority of the Pope . Divergencies of opinion , ho obsorved , must occur , which rendered it undesirable for an English representative to take part in the conference , since his presence would be either dangerous or degrading to this country - Mr « Fitzgerald entered into * many details , and put various questions to tho Government x * olativo to the proposals made to them by M . Do Poreigny , to be communicated to the Austrian Ambassador , for the cessation of hostilities—a transaction which , ho said , hud produced most important and injurious effects . Lord H . Vane supported tho amendment . — motion

    duct of every European Power in relation to that question . : ENDOWED SCHOOLS . Lord Cranworth moved the second reading of this Bill . The Bishop of London thought it advisable that the intention of this bill should be understood , and proceeded to explain its scope and object . He denied the existence of the grievances of which the Dissenters complained , although he thought that the case of the Ilminster Charity had better be settled at once in order to destroy any ground for complaint . The bill was Avithdrawn . Their Lordships adjourned at half-past seven .

    THE CONFERENCES . In the House of Commons , the orders of the day having been postponed , on the motion of Lord Palmekstox , Lord Elcho moved , by way of resolution , that an humble address be presented to . her Majesty , stating that in the opinion of this house it would be consistent neither with the honour nor the dignity of this country , which throughout the late negotiations has preserved a strict and impartial neutrality between the contending powers , to take part in any conference for the purpose of settling the details of a peace , the . preliminaries of which have been arranged between the Emperor of the French and the Emperor of Austria . Premising

    that the late Government had ( as he had stated in the preamble to his motion ) pursued throughout the late negotiations a strict and impartial neutrality , and adverting to the discordant opinions entertained respecting the late hostilities in Italy , he avowed his concurrence with those who did not consider the war justifiable , or that Austria was the aggressor . Sardinia , he said , had pursued towards Austria a policy of provocation and insult . She had been long bent upon the war , and had made preparations for it . He could not , therefore , sympathise with Sardinia and France , and he insisted that the principle of armed intervention , on the ground assigned by the iatter , was one against which we ought to

    protest . The neutrality of the present Government , instead of being similar to that of the late , had been , he said , rather that of an advocate and a partisan , Neutrality was defined to be a state of indifference , of neither friendship nor hostility ; but the neutrality of the present Government was not of that indifferent character . AVhat they ha , d sought in 1848 they sought now—the exclusion of Austria from Italy . In urging the inexpediency of this country taking part in the conference , he maintained that the true policy of this country was that of nonintervention—a policy strongly advocated by the late Sir Eobert Peel . The Government said they did not mean to go into the conference on any questions Ital

    of detail , but if they entered it as friends of y , and upon its general affairs , -what did they propose to do with reference to the Duchies , to the States of the Church , to the French occupation of Rome ? If we had confidence in the Emperor of the French , let us , he said , keep oat of the conference ; if we distrusted him , a fortiori , let us keep out of the conference . He sympathised with Italy , and believed that it would be for the good of that county that we should abstain as far as possible from interference in its affairs . The motion was seconded by Mr . Horsman . —Mr . Kinolake concurred in believing that England ought not to take part in the pending conferences , and observed that on former occasions of a similar

    character British diplomatists had proved themselves anything but skilful or successful negotiators . Nevertheless , ho could not vote for a motion which practically amounted to a vote of want of confidence in the Government , as prescribing their course in anticipation of events that had not yet transpired , and he therefore moved as an amendment tho previous question . — The Chancellor of the Exchequer observed that tho Government were ready to have mot the resolution by a direct negative , but were , willing to accept the indirect issued raised by the amendment , Tho original motion spoke of taking part in a Conference for the purpose of settling the details of the peace between the two Emperors , He was not awaro of any such intontion . The details of the peace would be settled by the

    belligerents themselves , and what remained would bo , not the details of tho peuco , but great questions of European policy , vjtujly affecting the happiness of Italy . The principal point made by Lord , Elcho was tho contrast between the neutrality of tho late and that of the present Governments . Ho ( Mr . Gladstone ) gave credit to tho lato Government , represented by Lord Malmcsbury , for their intention , and for a rostloss but a sound and manly assiduity to maintain peace , and there had been no departure from that neutrality on the part of tho present Government . The object of Lord Eloho ' s motion was to prevent tho Government from taking part in tho Conference , Host they should be hostile to Austria . To disclaim suoty a motivo , he said , was ncedloes ' and would bo disparaging . Thoro was no foundation for suoh a supposition . It was tho desire of tho Government to see Austria strong ,

    Mr . B . CocnuANM supported the original , and said that the Chancellor of tho Exchequer hud given utterance to sentiments worthy of Miizzini . — Mr . Gili'in said ho thought tho speech of tho Chancellor of tho JiJxchequor would bo roappiukul to by tho people in all parts of tho country . Ho olycotod to tying up the hands . of tho Government In matters connected with tho highest dfctatos . oi humanity , and with tho beet intorosts and honoui' ol tho country . — Tho O'Donogiiuh said if tho Government had a true regard to its own honour it would assent to tho motion of Lord Eleho . After the speech of % \\ o Chancellor of the Exchoquor , he would , it ho could , neither sit near , nor on tho same side oi tho houso with him . —Mr , M . Mijt-nub contondud that tho speech of tho Chancellor of tho Exchequer was expressive of tho general fooling throughout the country . —Mr . Hmnnkbsysupported tho motion . —Mr .

    mixed up with these differences , a hoped wo should not bo parties to any conference to settle Italian affairs . —Lord WopEjiQirsu explained that tho only communication in which the English Ministers Jmd taken part related to a French dospatcU transmitted by thorn to Austria , containing propositions for peaeo , but on which they had ¦ offered , no opinion of their own . Thoy had acted as simple intermediaries . Ho objected to produce a docwrnont belonging to an oxtonsivo series s and in reference , to other topics touched upon by Lord Normanby , doollnod to embark into a discussion so wide and miscellaneous as that involving tho whole ran go of tho Italian controversy , as woli us the con-

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 13, 1859, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_13081859/page/4/