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June 13,1857.] THE LEADER. 567
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THE ELECTORAL MOVEMENT IN FRANCE. We nee...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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< I ( Belgian Politics. Ooji Estimate Of...
formation' must "be understood in its literal sense of' reconstruction . ' The Bengal army is ruined , stock and block , beyond all repairing It has , for years past , been a gigantic sham a showy imposture ; but now that the bubble has fairly burst , let us think of some new system of military organisation more app licable to the present requirements of British India . _ . ¦ ,
In our opinion a complete reconstruction of the Native Infantry might be effected at a very trifling cost . There may be a considerable amount of prejudice to encounter : but no vested rights need be interfered with , if any such exist . Half the number of regulars that we now maintain would , if suitably organised , constitute a far more valuable ¦ fighting army than India at present possesses . "We would have this ' Field Force , ' as far as possible , concentrated in large
frontier cantonments . It should consist of small battalions on the scale of 1837 ; but there should be a captain and two subalterns for every company , with tico majors , in order to stimulate regimental ' promotion . ^ . Native commissioned officers would be quite superfluous . Every individual attached to this force ought to be , in all respects , an effective soldier , and any officer accepting of civil employment should at once be struck off the regimental rolls . The ' Field Force' might supply its own staff in the purely military departments ; bat , with a view to im prove
and benefit the greatest possible number of aspirants to office , the tenure of staff appointments might well be limited to the period , sayfbf five years . The fighting soldier should no longer be called upon to perform the duties of a policeman , or to undertake treasure escorts within our own provinces . Caste should be absolutely ignored , as it always has been on the Bombay side . With the increased proportion of officers , since it has been deemed necessnry to introduce an English S 3 stem of discipline , that system might be consistently-maintained , which is at present an impossibility .
The interior of British Iudia may be very safely entrusted to a second military force , composed of local , provincial , or district battalions of 800 or 1000 men , under a commandant , second in command , and adjutant . And here an opportunity would offer of giving commissions to native non-commissioned officers selected from the field force , and thus providing them with an honourable
retirement , upon the first sign of their efficiency for more active duties appearing to be on tho wane . Hither , also , would be transferred from the ' Field Force , ' in order to serve out his time , every man suspected of being less than fully \ ip to the mark . ^ These battalipns would undertake all the civil and other duties , in tho performance of which tho strength of tho lino has hitherto been
frittered away , and its discipline so lamentably impaired . Such is , in brief , apart from minute details , our idea of what might bo easily done , if once set about with energy . Tho existing excitement may possibly bo mado subservient to so wholesome a purpose . Years may elapse before mutual confidence be fully restored between the Sepoy and those in authority over him ; but it will bo some satisfaction , at least , to know that timely measures are being taken to promote tho return of that bettor fooling which has boom so perilously estranged .
June 13,1857.] The Leader. 567
June 13 , 1857 . ] THE LEADER . 567
The Electoral Movement In France. We Nee...
THE ELECTORAL MOVEMENT IN FRANCE . We need not insist particularly on tho wording of the few liberal Addresses and Circulars now publishing in Franco with reference
to the elections . They are necessarily so constrained ,. so full of almost imperceptible inuendoes , that an English reader can scarcely appreciate their significance . We have , for example , before , us a sort of lithographed general epistle to the electors , signed by G-abnieb , Pa . g £ s , Cabnot , IjE Frahcois , Hekoed , and Buchez , in which it is announeed that ' our friends' have decided on action , whilst of when , and where , and how , there is no revelation . ' Action' means
voting for Opposition candidates—if possible , ' Democrats '—if not , the most ' sympathetic persons elected in 184-8 . ' The electors are warned they may be in a minority ; but what then ? 'Ambition fears defeat : patriotism may submit to it with honour . ' There is , of course , no direct mention of the principles on which the election is to take place , no discussion of topics of public interest All that the leaders of the people dare say is " Every suffrage given in favour of Democracy will be an echo of past days , a consolation to suffering , a balm to those who languish in a foreign land , a hope for all . "
This enigmatical language is rendered absolutely necessary by the tone adopted by the Government . As we predicted last week , the impartial professions of M . BiiiiiAULT were understood on all hands to be imperial jargon . Their best commentary is the language adopted by the Prefects to whom the circular was addressed , and the tone of
the addresses of Government candidates . The Prefects , one and all , but more or less clearly , intimate that the struggle is not to be between an Opposition and a Ministry , but between the Government and its antagonists , between the Empire and its enemies , between liberty and despotism . Thus , at the last moment , the country discovers—if it waited until now to discover—that all that has been
said about the desire of the Emperor to behold a return of political life , of his wish to grant a . little more liberty in order to give some satisfaction to the intellect of France , was simple sham . There is no place for liberty in France . It could lead to nothing but the overthrow of the present institutions . " Wherefore should I come forward ?" writes a well-known statesman , explaining why he refused to be a candidate . " What could I say if elected ? Mes cliers collegues , vous etes cles greilins—that is all . " When such is the temper of some of the best men , it is . easy to understand that tho
Government is anxious to elect its own nominees , and no others . But it has to thank itself , and itself alone , for bringing matters to such a pass . It never loses an opportunity of making every question a question of confidence . It asks always for the old ' } r es or no ' voto over again . It does not want the cooperation of tho people . All it cares for is a periodical ratification of the colourable compact by which Louis Napoleon represents France , and is entrusted with the duty of attending to—his own interests .
Yet , with all tin ' s , tho Empire- insists on appearing before tho world , as much as it possibly can , in the character of a representative government . Arrangements have been made for filling the columns of the press , nativo and foreign , with articles and paragraphs and announcements imitating to a certain extent the phraseology of constitutional formularies . There is talk of elections—of
candidatos and electors—of ballot-urns , and so forth . In order to preserve a mask of appearances , some sort of independent voting must be allowed hero and there , where the Government serow cannot bo openly employed . But , as wo can understand from tho addresses of Prefects arid Government candidates , all such voting will in reality bo looked upon as seditious . The Baron Makiani stands for Corsica ,
with a formal letter of recommendation from the Emperor , and announces that any opposition will be considered ' opposition to the sovereign will , loudly proclaimed . ' This is indeed the tone everywhere adopted . The Government causes it most clearly to be understood that it is making a stand for its existence , and that whoever is not with it , will be considered against it . Even fervent Bonapartist candidates have been snubbed for presuming to stand without permission . " There is no human probability , " says a correspondent of unexceptionable character and high position , " of defeating the omnipotent influence of a centralized administration
over universal suffrage . All the peasantsthat is , nine-tenths of the electors—will vote as the Mayor of each village , who is the nominee of the Prefect , will tell them . They all think they are obliged to vote , as they pay their taxes , according to the Emperor ' s mandate . " Under these circumstances it is obviouB that we must not look forward to the return of many Liberal candidates in the provinces , though we are not sorry to see that in spite of the overwhelming influences to be brought to bear against them , the Liberal party are
resolved to inform the world that they are not defunct . Nor do we much regret the rumoured coalition between the moderate Democrats and the Orleanists . M . be Mojttalembeet , who announces that if elected he will endeavour ' to repress scandalous speculation and watch over the public fortune , ' will probably have the votes of the Republicans in the Doubs . The mixed list for Paris will-no doubt be accepted by the whole Opposition . On it , indeed , the great interest of the election will turn . Paris is the only
place in which it is almost impossible to drill the electors . Much will be done to tamper with their votes it is true , but the masses are too great and too closely pressed together . If a victory bo obtained by the Opposition in the capital , it will be of the same value as a general protest of all the great towns ; and tho Government may either be driven to efface all semblance of a constitutional government altogether , or may make some of those concessions , which are prudence or suicide , according to the temper of the people whose interests are concerned .
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« r- > v 1 ^ . ~ _ ^ ~ i , . - . " ^ r , — The Seacole Fund . —Our readers are aware that a committee has been formed to promote the claims of Mrs . Seacole to the support and sympathy of the public . Her exertions in the Crimea are well known ; but we are informod that she rendered valuable services as a nurae and medical attendant in Jamaica in 1850 and 1858 , when tho yellow fever and cholera committed such ravages . Mrs . Seacolo has been reduced to poverty in
consequence of her devoted attendance to the sick in the Crimea . At tho termination of tho war her premises were full of valuable stores , consigned to her at high prices , which could neither be carried away nor sold , except at a ruinous loss . Mrs . Seacole has received many testimonials to her skill , kindness , and utility , as well from persons of high rank as from private soldiers ; and wo believe wo may safely recommend tho Seacole fund to tho generous consideration of the public . — Times .
Austhalia . —From Melbourne wo hear that four only of the members of Mr . O'Shanassy ' s Ministry out of seven havo obtained seats in tho Assembly . A vote of want of confidence was spoken of , with tho adhesion of many who contributed to turn out tho lato Ministers , Inspector-General Piorco , of tho penal department at Melbourne , has been killed by the convicts . Trade at Melbourne was very dull , from tho apprehension of large imports . The production and export of gold continued at tho average rato .-r-Tho steamor William Danny has been lost at Capo North , Now Zealand ; but everybody on board was saved . —Tho Groat Northern Railway from Nowcaatlo to Mnitland , in tho Hunter Ilivor district , Now South Wales , has boon opened . It wns commenced at tho end of 1854 ; its length is sixteen miloa and a half ; and tho cost of construction has avoragod 10000 * . por mile .
, . _ . _ . Malta Tho squadron under Lord Lyons loft Valotttt harbour on tho 8 rd inst . for Tunis , Caff linri , Spozaia , Toulon , and tho ports of Spain . Sir William Reid has resigned tho Governorship of Malta .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), June 13, 1857, page 15, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_13061857/page/15/
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