On this page
-
Text (3)
-
1092 THE LEADER. [Saturday ,
-
THE PUBLIC HOUSE BLUE BOOK. The Parliame...
-
THE GOVERNING CLASSES. No. IX. THE RIGHT...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Aristocracy In Australia. There Is No Co...
In Vice-Chancellor Page Wood ' s court tlie other day an illustration was given of the base use to which Australia has been put . The master of a ship which returned from Australia to England , sued a passenger for 43 £ ., the balance of an account due for the conveyance of the man ' s wife and family . The passenger had landed at the Cape of Good Hope , against the rules of the ship and the leave of the master , and had been left Tt > ehind , and he therefore declined to pay the passage-money . The master , however ,
insisted that the man had been troublesome , and had lost his passage by his own fault ; and he sued him in the County Court . There were not enough goods and chattels to pay the demand ; but the man had house property in JJondon , and proceedings were taken in Chancery in order to take that real property . This raised an important question for " the first time—whether the Vice-Chancellor ' s Court could entertain a question of debt so far settled in a County Court ; and the Vice-Chancellor took time to consider of it . It is
not our purpose , however , to pursue the point of law ; it is with the personal circumstance of the case that we have to deal . Sometime since , in . 1848 , some Chartists were convicted of sedition and conspiracy , and one of their own body turned informant against them ; this was Powell , the defendant in the present case . It appears that he had received from Government 300 ^ ., on condition that he should go to Australia ; where , it is said , he also had a grant of land . But after he had got to the colony he had a desire to return home ; and hence the case . Now , it is persons of the class of Powell and his victims , besides ordinary offenders against the penal laws , that the Government has forced upon
Australia ; and thus the same process that has excited disaffection of the mother country , has also provoked a reaction against "low" society . It is partly to mark the distinction between the Powells of the colony and its Wentworths , that the committee of the Legislative Council propose to establish a local Peerage . Whether the project will be sanctioned by the Legislative Council or the Crown , we know not ; but at all events it indicates a strong desire on the part of the upper classes of the colony to have amongst them an institution which has been too unreasonably thought incompatible with self-government and democracy , and which would bind the superior classes of the colony to the empire .
1092 The Leader. [Saturday ,
1092 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,
The Public House Blue Book. The Parliame...
THE PUBLIC HOUSE BLUE BOOK . The Parliamentary literature of this country Las lately been enriched by the addition of a ponderous blue book on the subject of public houses . The sources of information are various , and the evidence embraces all the subjects which demand the interference of the Legislature . More than sixty witnesses have been examined , and the facts are furnished by a fair proportion of magistrates , town clerks , brewers , and publicans . The question has been sifted from every conceivable point of view . Statistics and arguments have been produced in favour of and against the existing system ; and the public is now in a fair position to form an impartial judgment . Monopoly diea hard . The great victory of 1840 was only the commencement of a long struggle , in which the advocates of a restrictive system will fight the battle , inch by inch . The kings of Burton , and their royal brethren , exhibit no signs of flinching . They voted for free trade in corn : they are liberal—very liberal , up to their own notions of liberality ; but they maintain the licensing system , as if it were the key-ntone of our national prosperity , ! For our own parts , wo believe that the kings of Burton might bo defeated , and that Britannia would continue to rule
the waves . Wo do not think that tho licensing system lias tho remotest connexion with the empire of the sea , or tho personal safety o £ Queen Victoria . Let UH look at the facts . Tho licenced victualler m dependent on the magistrate . Ho receives his license on certain conditions . He hindw hiin-Helf * J TP ^ ^ ' yi bwi-iJ ^ o purest , liquors , to uao no vvoij ^ n xs ot iminRUteaffini thone of the legal stjmdM ^^' k ^ tJpj ^ der in . h ; s house , and to rAono his vifoffc jtfopJdxffiTif * . $ >*? ¦¦ k pi \ rH of tho morning and ilj ^ i r ^ parish church on Sn ^^ aya ^ - ' ^ i ^ fc mas J ) a ¥ , and Good Prkluy . Hoj ^) il ^' ' ^^ , poixL 6 a / i i ( y ^ o cons idered—tho rea-NO ^ B \^ i > fy ^ ji idiyMdp nJAgistratc in granting tho liojuljijf , ' qndHhft' riotier which ho pohhcbbob for luuVwwhg 4 Wc < MailMiB . Wjth reference to the
first point , it is obvious that the only reasons which ought to guide the magistrate are the wants of the neighbourhood and the fitness of the applicant . On the other hand , Mr . Wyburgh tells us ( and his evidence is abundantly confirmed ) that the decisions of the magistrates are frequently ' irregular , arbitrary , and capricious . How could it be otherwise ? How can a magistrate decide on the exact number of public-houses that are required for a neighbourhood P We do not find that bakers , grocers , and other tradesmen , depend inau ixiose oi de
on any owner xsuws supply ana .-mand . Why should people be hindered from trading in beer ? There is no proof that the number of public-houses falls short of the demand , but the prevalence of a restrictive law occasions an enormous amount of dissatisfaction , and holds out numerous temptations , which it would be infinitely wiser to prevent . It is needless to enumerate the motives which may influence a bench of magistrates in deciding upon the claims of candidates of whose personal fitness no doubt exists .
But it is maintained that the licensing system is the guardian of sound morality , ^ ay , is not the very publican enlisted on the side of virtue ? Does he not hold his licence on the understanding that he will check disorder P This argument would be all the stronger if it were supported by facts . The police have power to enter a public-house— - " subject to the restriction that it would be improper to enter unless there was reason to suppose that there was an offence or disorder committed at the time . But no reason
can be discerned why the same power should not be entrusted to the police if'the licensing system were abolished . Supposing the only condition of obtaining a license were fitness of character , there is surely nothing to prevent the maintenance of police restrictions , which , apply even to private Houses . Mr . Alderman Wire believes that the licensing system is an effectual check upon drunkenness , and brings forward the instance of Scotland , where , he . tells us , the evil is of a twofold character—the increase of drunkenness , and the encouragement of illicit distillation . Again— "in
tlie State of Maine , so great were the evils resulting from the sale of spirits , that they had enacted a law that there shall be no spirituous liquors or intoxicating liquors sold in the State . " All this may be very true , and we are mortified to find that morality is so ill able to protect herself . Society has always been infested with a good sprinkling of reprobates and monsters , whom it is necessary to treat as wild beasts or madmen . But no licensing system in the world will prevent occasional outbreaks ; and if English society is still infantine or brutish , tho more restrictions wo enforce tlie better .
Nothing , indeed , is more evident than the whole system provokes much greater evils than those it was intended to cure . Wo maintain it , because it has existed since tho reign of Edward III ., and because the kings of 33 urton delude tho public into the belief that it tends to sound morality . It is established beyond a doubt , that tho people who gain by tho system are tho brewers and wealthy pubiicans , while tho public suffer .
The Governing Classes. No. Ix. The Right...
THE GOVERNING CLASSES . No . IX . THE RIGHT H 0 NOUBABLE Silt JAMES GltAHAM , BART . But that it is considered , in England , extremely indocorouH to put into print wJiat every one of those who would road tho print way perpetually in private , a very interesting chapter might bo written to « how how curioufily personal appearance affects public life . There are men who owe everything to their "looks : " and there are men who never got over their " IooIch . " It luiH alwayH boon iny opinion that tho regime of tho Tliruo Days foil in Franco because Louis Philippe-, an ho ^ rew old , grew ho ridiculously liko a Posit ; and many iiiHtancuH might bo mentioned , only that it would bo impertinence , of eminent Groat Britons who have riHou or declined because of a mouth , or because of a none . Thin in tho result of a political system which permits of caricatures ; no constitution can ntand an H . B ., or a John Leech , who bring all political heroes into contempt . Tim mischief in very serious when the populace judges of a charactor by a contortion : —as , for iiifltance , in Ireland , whoro Foci could never inako way bocauHo O'ConnoU gave this picture of him to tho
multitude , — "A big-bellied man , with two left . legs . " Mr . Disraeli , a man with a splendid countenance and a graceful figure , was kept down for years in this country because of the cruel caricatures of Punch and Xiord Jocelyn , one of the handsomest men of the age , has failed in life because he never had the courage to cut ofi his moustache . These are instances which may be referred to without offence , even to the individuals ; and the cases serve to suggest what is meant .
In regard to many statesmen , living and dead , you think of their policy and not at all of their persons But Sir James Graham is so intensely associated with Sir James Graham , to the exclusion of any other association , that , in turning attention to him , you consider only the statesman—there being indeed little statesmanship to consider . The impression he has made on his time is altogether an impression of physique : and the epitaph which one of his present colleagues proposed Bhould be written on him , in due season- — "He had the largest appetite of any man of
his da /'—explains to the philosophical , nearl y all his celebrity . As John Kemble said , when asked his opinion of the new Hamlet , "Why , sir , he seems a remarkably tall young man "—so the usual enquiry made about Sir James Graham , when an habitue" of the House of Commons goes down to his cousins or his constituents is , " a very big man , isn't he ? " Sir James Graham is a very big man ; and he has got to a first place in politics , just as he would get to the first place in a crowd—by weight and breadth : becoming Peel ' s lieutenant , as Little John became BoMn Hood ' s
That is to say , born into the Governing Classes , and having only mediocrities to compete with , he got first among the mediocrities—in other words , next to the champion Peel — merely by the greater force and stronger endurance derived from a massive chest and an animal head . That is , by work : for a great administrator is only a great worker ; and the great workers are only found among the strong men . " Perseverance" is the virtue recommended to young men by their friends ; but perseverance means simply endurance : and it would consequently be as rational to recommend , "Large lungs , my boy . "
That Sir James Graham ' s chest without Sir James Graham ' s acres would not have sufficed to make him a right honourable and a ruler , is evidenced in the different career of Mr . Ford , of Doncaster , Sir James ' s image , as Sir James knows to his cost ; and it is said even a cleverer man—the Dromio of tho Antipholus . But with such acres and such a cheat , a good name and a smooth voice , the success of Sir Jamea Graham in public life was assured ; and the success would have been more complete , had Sir James learned soon enough to roly simply on those natural
advantages , instead of endeavouring to become a man of genius . Not content with tho reputation of being a great administrator , ho has ever aimed at tho position of a great statesman ; and though She knows tho tendency of tho multitude to confound tho one character with tho other , he has ever been discontented that not one of tho many parties whom he has joined would accord him chieftainship . In public lifo in England , an investment of labour is always certain of its results . Government is a profession—; i guild , monopolized almost entirely by tho land—and when a man with a
title and an estate gives himself up to tho House of Commons , tho IIouso of Commons gradually gives itself up to him , sooner or later . No mn . ii has worked harder than Sir James Graham in legislating ; and lot tho governed ho grateful . In this country , every heir to a largo estate goes to Parliament , as ho goes to ft good club ; and all tho best of tho heirs , after a season or two , in which they destroy tlioir stomachs , and dincovcr that Society is a doluiion , stick to thoir sontn , and tako to governing tho self-governed country ah tho host-going excitement , —more gentlemanly than tho turf , Hafur than the table , earner than the sesmoiis .
Sir JamoH Graham , born in 1702 , roach < id » 1 B majority and his property , in < luo course , and by «> o Bfiino system which suggested boof and bonfires , a borough returned him in celebration of the important event , and from 1820 to 18 / 53 Sir jTunos Graham him incoHsantly devoted himself to bis country . H <> must in hin thirty ycarw of government have sat about 100 , 000 hours in tho bad utmoHphoro of tho . Uouso of Commons , havo « at twenty years in Government bureaux , soon 1000 deputations , written many miUionH of letters , and mado speeches ho numerous , thut if col-
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 12, 1853, page 12, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_12111853/page/12/
-