Current:

Leader (1850-1860), 12th May 1860, Edition 2 of 2, Page 18

Page 18
Page 18
18 of 24

On this page

  • Text (2)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Foreign Correspondence. - (Special.). -"...

      tion of Austria , all seem disposed to accept the new state of things ; but Russia and Prussia apparently hesitate to declare themselves , until they are reassured with reference to the . foreign and domestic policy of the Government of King VieTOB Emmanuel . The relations of Piedmont with the Great Powers are at present as friendly as could he wished . France and England have given orders that the archives of their legations should he transferred from Florence to Turin , thus recognising the substitution of the latter for theformer as the seat of Government and the centre of the Tuscan administration , and marking their approbation , or at least their adhesion , to the annexation of Tuscany , no less than of the minor Duchies to Piedmont . _

      The tendency of Italy towards union is a natural and logical necessity , arising out of the present situation of Europe and the result of the teachings of history ; but it would be worse than useless to seek to encourage it by an aggressive and daring policy which should threaten public tranquillity or the maintenance of friendly international relations . The policy which has been employed towards Austria since 1848 ought still to be maintained . ^ Piedmont has defended its liberty , but has , at the same time , avoided everything which could afford a pretext for accusations of violating international rights . The griefs of Austria against Piedmont resolve themselves into a single one—the Italian and liberal tendency of the policv of the Sardinian Government . This influence is moral and

      legitimate , or rather it is legitimate because it is moral . To it alone is due the formation of the new State , and the progress of the rest of Italy towards a happier destiny . Naturally , therefore , the Piedmontese policy has naade absolutism tremble , rendered its existence precarious , and will gradually effect its entire suppression . But it is not to be expected that the latter principle will succumb without making a desperate resistance . Austria sees itself unable any longer to govern Venice exclusively by force of arms and police measures , which are wearing out of themselves . The Court of Kome has clearly revealed its intentions by the nomination of General LamOeicieee to the command of the army , and ; of M . de Meeode as Minister of

      Wan The latter nomination appears to me of more serious importance than that of General Lamobicieb ^ , as introducing the foreign element into the Pontifical Government itself . It is a fact , the significance of 1 which cannot escape the notice , either of _ the Piedmontese Government or the other Powers of Europe . Although the Court of Rome professes peaceful ideas , and continues to repeat that it has no intention of endeavouring to regain its lost provinces , but seeks only to preserve the remainder , it is far from probable that General Lamobiciebe should be content with standing still simply as the defender of the State . Besides , if such were the case , where would be the necessity of assembling an army of twenty thousand inen , and which is daily augmented by the arrival of fresh

      mercenaries ? . The Pontifical Government has no reason to anticipate aggression from without . Piedmont has riever attacked it , and only accomplished the annexation of the Romagna after having vainly sought to come to an understanding with ilie Papacy , by which its interests and dignity should be preserved . The present extended territory of Piedmont , and consequent increased political labour and responsi'bilityx-must-long ^ ngi ^ oss-itajvliole-Jittention—and _ exej ^ y ., jatt . as _ tfiL _ prevent the smallest suspicion or danger that it will deviate from the prudent and moderate course of action which ever has been , and must continue to be , the source of its strength and prosperity . A policy at once Italian , national , and progressive , but which abstains

      from all provocation , is essential to the welfare ot JPiedmont . 'lh e Italian cause has nothing to fear from the reactionary rage of Rome or Naples , for absolutism is the most effectual advocate of the national principle . The prudent policy of Piedmont irritates despotism , because it gives our Government a moral force and authority which cannot be ignored or withstood , and places it in a position to consolidate its enlarged state , while it offers to Europe a guarantee of order and respect for international law , in which it has never failed . Piedmont must now take measures for strengthening and defending her possessions . The belligerent designs of neighbouring powers are patent , and it is only a question of time und convenience , when their enmity will be expressed fey deeds . It is of

      importance , therefore , that the subalpine kingdom should be prepared to sustain any shock which may be brought against it . The struggle between the two principles of liberalism and despotism can never cease in Italy until the one has finally overcome the other . Let Piedmont , then , proceed cautiously and conscientiously , and eventually the victory must be hers . She has now the moral support and sympathy of all the liberal Governments of both the Old and New World , and time will but add to the number of her adherents . A pamphlet has recently appeared at Berlin , with the title " Free to the Adriatic , " written by Gustavo Rasgh . The writer undertakes the defence of the Italians against the calumnies of the Austrian press , and , by the enumeration of a series of facts , more or

      less generally known , but all derived from notices and documents of irrefragable authenticity , exposes to view the iniquity of the Austrian rule in Italy . The effect of Buch writings as this must be to make the Italian cause better known and appreciated in Germany , and to enable Germans to judge how truly hostile to all progress , to all liberty and independence , is the Austrian domination . It is now recognised in Germany as in Italy , that Austria offers the most unjustifiable obstacles to the development of nationality , and to the Progress of modern and generous principles of international law . 'he writer most triumphantly disproves many of the calumnious and exaggerated statements made systematically against Italy by the Oaxette d'Augusta and ther Government organs . He , says , —

      "In the suppression of the national development of peoples consists the vital energy of Austria . Such is the fundamental principle of the system of Mettebnich , by which Austria has existed through the first half of this century , and through which she will perish m the second . The suppression of free national development in Italy during the past forty-four years , is the alpha and the omega of the history of the Austrian rule . And how was it established in Italy ? By chains and imprisonment , by the executioner ' s axe , by fire and sword , by blood and tears , by the groans of a nation ill treated from day to day . For the other European peoples , the first half of the nineteenth century was a period of civilization , of humanity , of free individual development . For Italy it was an epoch of bitter servitude ,

      of the suppression of every right , human and divine ; an eternal disgrace in the book of universal history . In the solution of the two great political questions , —liberty of the citizen , and free national development , —which are , now agitating the unfortunate country beyond the Alps , consists the sole guarantee of the peace of Europe and the realization of the objects which the nineteenth century has proposed in the history of that development of humanity to which all seek to attain . Time presses . The hour has come when all should put their hands to the work , when every one should labour to the utmost of liis ability that the motto of Italy—Free to the Adriatic—may become a truth ; for in that each man should see the realization of his own principles . "

      From the narration of Rasch , we have the satisfaction of finding that the deportment of the Italians during the past ten years , hotwithstanding the contumely poured upon them by the hireling Austrian press ^ has won the esteem and admiration of their enemies . When a people inspires such sentiments in the hearts of its oppressors , its liberation must soon follow . Recent events have been preparing the way for this happy consummation . Before no very distant period , we doubt not , Venice will share the fate of more fortunate Lombardy , and Italy thus be free to the Adriatic .

      454 The Leader And Saturday Analyst. [Ma...

      454 The Leader and Saturday Analyst . [ May 12 , 1860 .

      Hanovee, May 7th, 1860. The Proceedings ...

      Hanovee , May 7 th , 1860 . The proceedings in the Prussian Upper Chamber ^ upon the question of the land-tax , and the debates upon the affairs of Hessia and Schleswig have been followed , as national or united German interests by every country of the " Vaterland . " All except the Junker , or German tory party , feel that the loyalty of the Rhine provinces depends upon the justice and patriotism o £ _ the Upper Chamber . The Junkers , however , are either ignorant of the sentiments of the Rhinelanders , or rely upon the alliance of England and the military prowess of ancient Prussia to withstand any . attempt _ upon the Rhine . In the debate upon the land-tax M . von Kleist Retzow maintained that the principle of the Government measure was of French , consequently revolutionary origin , and denounced it as an invention to abolish the law of entail and destroy the influence of the landowners , i . e ., the feudal aristocracy . This was the grand reason advanced for their opposition to the Government . Dr . Heinecke , on the ministerial side , replied to these assumptions in a long and animated speech , in which he pointed out the fact that the late Count Beandenbueg and his colleague , Chevalier Man-/ T-EUFFEL , who were considered quite as conservative in their views as any of the tory party , had , even in 1850 , proposed the same measure to the Chambers . The present opposition of the landowners took its rise in the selfish and unjust desire to remain untaxed at the expense of the rest of the nation . It had nothing to do with principles or the welfare of the monarchy , as might be seen by the petition presented by the landed proprietors to King Fbedebick William I ., in the year 1717 . They agreed to the laying on of a house-tax , but would not listen to any alteration of the land-tax . King Fbedebick William III . had from 1810 till his death constantly endeavoured to fulfil his promises made to the people relative to the removal of the inequalities in the system of taxation , but had ever been most determinedly baffled by the feudal proprietors . Fbedebiok William IV . had reiterated his father ' s promises , and had exerted himself to carry them into effect , but with as little result . By thus thwarting the wishes of their sovereign and the people , and selfishly refusing to bear their share of the national burthens , they were sowing the seeds of that revolution which they pretended it was their aim to avert . The obstructive opposition of the Upper Chamber to every measure brought forward by the Cabinet might ultimately lead to a change of ministry as they would have it , formed from the feudalist majority ; but they would risk not only every hereditary privilege , but even the safety of the kingdom . To this one spokesman of the Tories replied , that all the acts of the Upper Chamber had for their object the protection of his Majesty the Kino against the machinations of the present ministers and their abettors . It would be a hard task to redress the evils which hud arisen by these machinations during- the last thirteen years , but it was to bo hoped that the endeavours of the feudalists would , in the end , bo attended with success . Your readers may imagine how this puerile irony has been received by the Liberals . The people , viewing the utter powerlessness of their Liberal Regent and ministers against this opposition , are growing * disgusted with so-called constitutional government . The debate upon the land-tax has been followed by another upon the affairs of Schleswig , which more particularly interest the whole nation ; but although the public rend with avidity , and repeat with considerable animation , the arguments served up to them by the journals , there are still no signs of an active movement in support of their views . The cause of this apathy lies , I think , in the fact that there does not exist in any one country of Germany a sufficiently

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), May 12, 1860, page 18, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_12051860/page/18/