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    A J ' societies is to bWfcttedotherwise ...

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    HISTORY OF MODERN ITALY. History of Mode...

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    FOUR NOVELS. A Lot.t Love. B y Aahford O...

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    Bain On The Senses And The Intellect. Th...

    SSTme space M disposal , but we must confine ourselves for the present SisI to ? rajSd indication of the nature . of his ^ k . We would merely l ^ ltt pSsimr , ^ hat lie does not always seem to keep steadily in mind the SSe ^ lon bfTnternal stimulus as well as external—the / act of sensation originating within the organism , by the mere oxidation of tissue for Instance , as well as from a stimulus without . Thus he maintains that movement precedes sensation ; and he makes excellent use of the position , which we : only desire to see cleared from ambiguity . But on close scrutiny it turns put that movement only precedes some specific sensation . . He says the " encephalic centres are the sources of spontaneous movement , " without the ^ aid of sensations and impressions from without , " and he adduces in evidence , "In wakening from sleep movement precedes sensation . ^ If light Were essential to the movements concerned in vision , it would be impossible to open thejsyes . " Now , when the word sensation is thus used , it is ambdguous . What sensation does movement precede ? Some external and specific sensation ? Tes ; but not some internal sensation . Stimulus of some *&'~ . A . « ... ¦ . < . * . n- »^ f . / 1 n . m .- v % » na n + \ Ty T ^ oin Viimsol-f *> vnlnfns this when he adds

    , " The act of awakening from sleep can hardly be considered in any other sW than as the reviving of the activity by a rush of nervous power to the ' muscles ^ followed by the exposure of the senses to the influences of the outer ' world . "" But this rush of nervous power , to what is it owing but to internal St imulus ? In a second edition Mr . Bain will do well to clear up these ambiguities which will obscure his ideas to many readers ; especially in that suggestive view he has given of the instinctive germ of volition . ^ The second Book , which treats " the Intellect , is one we may seek some other occasion of discussing , since both the Method employed and the results brought forward are open to much question . It it as unlike the first book art of the

    a 3 can well be conceived , and does not , indeed , seem like a p same treatise ; for whereas in the first book organ and function have been considered together , in this second book function alone is considered , and that in a less definite way than is desirable . The intellectual operations are classed Wder four heads : the law of contiguity ; the law of similarity ; compound association , and constructive association . Much admirable analysis and j nany valuable suggestions will be found in these chapters ; and even those ¦ who think they see flaws in the systematic construction of the treatise will Jbe . ready enough to acknowledge how much light the work throws on our mental processes . We look impatiently for the second volume , and meanwhile commend this to all interested in such subjects .

    A J ' Societies Is To Bwfcttedotherwise ...

    A J ' societies is to bWfcttedotherwise m % . Si %% j ^ JP . % 3 iSi __ $ ^ 88 £ k & w ^* > __ * TT ¦ _' " ' ¦ - " ' _ ' . , "!!! I ^ CIZ- ' ---- .. ' . TTr ""

    History Of Modern Italy. History Of Mode...

    HISTORY OF MODERN ITALY . History of Modern Italy from the first French Revolution to the year 1850 . By Richard Heber Wrightson . Bemtley . Events are immutable as soon as past , and the discretion with which the historian pronounces judgment on them so as to condemn or absolve a people alone constitutes the superiority of a new history over others that have been written on the same subject . Mr . Wrightsoa does " not claim for his volume the name and title of a history in any such extended sen ^ tall that lie professes to attempt is a compendious sketch of the occurrenres which nave prepared the way for the present condition of the Italian Peninsula . " But this modesty , which would disarm criticism , loses its value when we find ihe author has neither renounced the importance of his title , nor the duties pf jthe historian . We have therefore a right to judge how far he has fulfilled Bis self-imposed task .

    The subject is most difficult . Italy is a country divided by interests and traditions , from which have arisen a diversity of customs and ideas among the people of the various states . Hence , the history of each ^ tate requires a more diligent research , a calmer judg ment , and a more careful exposition than any Mr . Wrightson appears capable of giving . Notwithstanding these political distinctions , the language , literature , science , & nd art belong equally to the whole peninsula . T * he boundaries and geographical position of Italy mark her as one nation , and the foreign pppression ^ which equally crushes all her various states , unites them in one common misfortune , as * it is to be hoped ere long they will be united for the general liberation . The wish that petty interests should be merged in the general good ( whether expressed by the terms Unitarianiam , Federalism ,

    Monarchy , or Republic ) has determined the special characteristics ot all the Revolutions of modern Italy , but there is one watchword on which all Italians from the Alps to the Lilil ? eo equally agree , and that is , " Liberty and Independence . " The obstacles to the attainment of this object have been greatly increased , if not exclusively created , by the mutual jealousy of the rival potentates within , and the desire for aggrandisement of the various foreign rulers without . These general facts , of which no one can doubt , should principally have guided the historian of modern Italy . Instead of this , Mr . ¦ Wrightson has a fixed and partial idea , which we have no hesitation in pronouncing narrow-minded . According to him , the misfortunes of Italy arise f rom one cause only—the sette . If the limits of this brief indication permitted us to follow the author from event to event , we could show now greatly he exaggerates the importance of these secret societies ; we must , however , ' be content to oner a few general remarks , and remind

    the author , that the political bondage of Italy existed before the secret societies were thought of . In fact . tne most powerful of these , the Curbonaria , was not organised until the Bourbon restoration in 1799 , when ( notwithstanding the assurance of pardon given through Nelson to the people ) ihe first hecatomb of pariots | was sacrificed , and the history of the nineteenth ciehtury in Italy began by the death of the most illustrious republicans of Naples , under the eyes of the great English admiral , whom the blandishments of Lady Hamilton had rendered deaf to the voice of humanity . X ) oca fjbte author mean to inculpate the societies in these and similar enormities ^ hioh disgrace the history of nearly half a century ? Secret societies arc the result of the present state of Italy , not the cause . We have no disposition to justify the excesses occasionally committed by the factions , although these have never , cither in cruelty or duration , equalled . those of despotism % pd its secret organisations . These excesses , sometimes inherent in the fcatitqtiond themselves , sometimes the result of individual abuse of power , can at the most but condemn the form of these institutions , not tUoir

    existence ^ The ' inuftipTicity of these gre ^ they would have been a nucleus of patriots who sougHt to cultivate their moral and intellectual faculties so as to act together for the general good , to become citizens , and not remain slaves . In England , we do not understand the necessity for these secret societies , for , under a liberal Government , they would be absurd , and could only bo organised for some improper purpose that feared the light : hence they are justly condemned . Where there is liberty of association , of the press , of opinion , and of creed , every individual idea that has objects of public utility in view will find adherents , and , if it accords with public opinion , which

    governs all , from the meanest to the highest , will finally influence the small number of rulers , and oblige them to grant concessions . It is thus that England has commenced , and will carry out those reforms which elsewhere have led to popular insurrections . But in a land where to express an idea is a fault , to hate oppression a crime—where for such faults and such crimes a prison , on which might be inscribed Dante ' s terrible words , is closed , to open no more , unless as a passage to the scaffold—secret societies alone afford liberty of discussion . If the Italian people were permitted freely to express their opinions , we should willingly agree with the author . But such is not the case ; and where the legal exercise of a right is prohibited , an appeal to force , the only means of escape , becomes just ; now such an appea l must be organised , and this can only be done in secret .

    We could answer the objection , that facts have proved the inadequacy of secret societies to liberate Italy , but the philosophy of success , which ultimately rules the opinions of the masses , should not be regarded as the historian's guide . It is well known that the revolution of 1848 was not provoked by any " setta . " It was the treachery of princes that made conspirators . The insurrection of 1848 was the spontaneous ; explosion of the National Party , which had breathed the spirit of liberty and independence that has ever been the constant aspiration of all the great writers of Italy . Most of the young men of the present generation were , and still are , strangers to every political society ; yet they feel they are Italians , and they rnsh to exile , to prison , or to death , with a fortitude that makes their

    tyrants quail . It is evident , therefore , that Mr . Wrightson s fixed idea is erroneous ; and also , from the manner in which he treats the question , that he is a warm partisan of legality . This predilection , most honourable when conscientiously and impartially upheld , becomes ridiculous when it imposes restrictions " on one party only . What shall we think of an " historian" who severely condemns the Carbonari and the members of the Giovanc Italia , but has no harsh words for the Sanfedisli and Calderari ? That the reader may judge how far the opinions of the author extend , we need only indicate , that according to him , it was a crime for the learned men of Italy , who , previous to 1848 , were permitted to assemble in " Congressi Scientific ! " once a year , to utter even a few words on the unhappy condition of the peninsula , as though the progress of humanity were not the chief object of every scientific pursuit . On the whole , it would appear that learned men should not speak , patriots should not think , associations should not act , men should not feel ; truly , we begin to think that Mr . Wrightson should not

    have written " history . " To whom , then , should be entrusted the charge of making Italy free and independent for the Italians ? Our historian reminds tlio Italians " that England is at all times ready , by just and honourable means , and by the full weight of her influence , to support the independence of those states which are de . jure and by force of treaties independent . " We know not in what manner , or by whom , England hns made this assertion to Mr . Wrightson , but the meaning of this sentence is , that Loinbardy and Venice . should remain Austrian provinces ; that Tuscany should be an Austrian dependence ; that Bologna , Ferrara , and Ancona should be Austrian outposts on Southern Italy ; Rome a nursery for corruption and despotism , upheld by French bayonets ; while Naples and Sicily should still be crushed by that unnatural tyranny which is upheld by Swiss mercenaries . This settlement has been , imposed by treaties and ratified by potentates , and

    plenipotentiaries assembled in Congress , and it constitutes the independence de jure of the Italian States . The system is unfortunately at the present time strong enough to uphold itself , and we do not believe that it is England ' s mission to aid Austrian oppression , should the Italians resolve to throw it off . It ia but too true that despotism has gained so much ground in Europe , that tho advocacy of Mr . Wrightson is quite out of season , save as an additional homage to Austrian policy , ' which , under existing circumstances , can afford but little satisfaction to any Englishman who luis not become an alien in thought , in manners , and in heart . The narrative portions of this book , although tolerably clear and well arranged , cannot be commended either for depth of observation or historical conscientiousness , and , as n collection of facts that have occurred in Italy , the student of contemporary history would have learnt more from a translation of Gualterio's work , from which the author has obtained the greater

    portion of his materials , than from a compilation , distorted by that party and sectarian spirit so clearly visible in every page of Mr . Wrightson ' s " history . "

    Four Novels. A Lot.T Love. B Y Aahford O...

    FOUR NOVELS . A Lot . t Love . B y Aahford Oweu . Smith , Elder , uiul < ' <>• My Jirother ' a Wife . A Life-History . By Amelift Kd wards . Itoutludtfi , Ckve Hall . By tho Author of " Ainy Herbert . " Longman and ( . ' a Constantine ; or ., The Last Days of an Empire . By Captain Spencer . flftinpHon Low and Son These four novels may be classified in couples . Two of them arc readable books , and two are dull books . Wo had not gone farther than tho first twenty or thirty pages of A Lost Love before wo be # un to have our suspicions that " Ashford Owen" inuat bo a lady . Tho book exhibits the bar ml chs sexual feeling , tho observation of minute thin ^ H , the intense appreciation of the pleasure of talking , the feeble dramatic power , nn <\ the delicate glibness of style , which—among other characteristics )—generally distinguish fictions written by women . The subject of the story of A . Lost Love

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 11, 1855, page 16, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_11081855/page/16/