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Leader (1850-1860), 11th May 1850, Edition Country of 1, Page 2, PARLIAMENT.

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      illegitimately descended from Charles the Secondhow these illegitimacies become complicated in noble pedigrees !—or he is a wronged heir kept from his title and property . The Earl of Lincoln i 3 added to the long list of aristocratic persons who may be said to monopolize the privileges of divorce . The Earl has been released from the matrimonial bond on grounds not uncommon in any class of society , —a practical severance of the bond by the lady without awaiting the decree of law . But , although the need for relief is not uncommon in

      any class , the relief itself is common only among the wealthy . Parliament keeps up the expenses in order to give the luxury a fancy price , so that it may not become common ; for legislators think divorce a bad thing , and are only sensible to tiie merits of the relief in their own case . A limited divorce on the score of cruelty , has been granted in the Ecclesiastical Court this week , with Home difficulty and hesitation . To justify the most

      natural judgment in the world , the Judge felt himself bound to declare , that the wife over whom he extended the protection of the law , would not be safe either in health or life ! Short of that ?—Among the anomalies of this class is the case of the Agapemone ; an institution founded by an eccentric religious sect , whose members practise with impunity very curious privations and licences , altogether subversive of the matrimonial laws .

      From the midst of this conflicting scene , an expedition under Captain Austin , sets forth to seek our fellow-countrymen , Franklin and his brethren , lost in the chill deserts of the Arctic regions .

      T 146 ®Ffe %Le Abet. [Saturday,

      t 146 ® ffe % Le abet . [ Saturday ,

      A Crisis Seems Imminent In France. M. Ba...

      A crisis seems imminent in France . M . Baroche has moved in the Assembly the new law for preventing the mischiefs of Republicanism . Considering that the law is concocted by a purely monarchical committee , it is very moderate . It proposes only to disenfranchise three millions and a half out of the eleven millions of French electors . Nevertheless , M . Baroche and the committee consider the principle of universal suffrage to be sacred . The majority of the Assembly seem disposed to follow their example . What next will

      follow may not so easily be predicted . Almost the worst sign is the want of harmony among the journalist leaders of Republican opinion . M . Jjeroux , in the Republique , counsels peace under ail circumstances , whatever attempts may be made against the constitution ; so throwing back the Republican party to the old course of secret conspiracy . On the other hand , the Voice du Peuple and the National speak menacingly , having changed their tone if not their policy . While Emile de ( Jirardin denounces as madmen or traitors all who

      counsel resistance . There is a good policy and tliere is an evil policy ; it would be simply no policy to act either way without that unanimity which is indispensable to success . The commemoration of the Republic has passed off quietly . The decorations were splendid , and gratifying to the sight-seers ; but we hear of no gaiety . The journals arc surprised at the good order in which the police kept the people on the occasion ; forgetting that in tlic first days of the Revolution the people maintained order without the police . M . Eugene Sue h : is taken his seat in the Assembly .

      At lloins , as at Paris , all is quiet . Notwithstanding , some resentment may naturally be lurking , sincu arrests continue and new confiscations arc being decreed . The Holy Father has restored 1 no bastinado ; and chivalrous French soldiers insist at the ceremony . It is really not much to bo marvelled at that neither the French nor their pro It : ye can become popular at Rome . At Turin , t ! ie Archbishop continues to defy the Government , hmlly , one would think , to the advantage of the Church .

      TheOermaii complication is becoming simplified . The Frankfort "Interim" commission dies out ; i ! u » Krl ' phantom vanishes into thin air . All iliat remains of ( ienuan endeavour since that hopeful spring of is is is the confused memory of m niggle . mil defeat , deception and bewilderment . J ( . ' im something , however , that the bewilderment is !; * : < s , though the onl y edifice yet looming through t ! io fog is the old Diet of 1815 , rcurected ; Austria i \ sutniug the initiative . It is even said that Mct-U : rnich is returning .

      Russia has pretended to withdraw its forces ; rllier crouching to make the leap more sure , ov . vaislied thai Western Kurope may he ( , ' ossackimK- ( 1 without Tartar aid . Thu ailairs of Denmark a . id of ( itveee , remain , as usual , unsettled ; indeed , Huron ( iros 1 ms olUemlly declared his mission to he ended , fruitlessly .

      Parliament.

      PARLIAMENT .

      Progress Of Work Done. House Of Commons....

      PROGRESS OF WORK DONE . HOUSE OF COMMONS . In Committee . —Elections ( Ireland ) Bill—Railways Abandonment Bill . Read a Thikd Time . —Benefices in Plurality Bill . Other Business . —Mr . E wart ' s motion for a repeal of the advertisement duty negatived by 208 to 39—Lord Robert Grosvenor ' s motion for a committee to inquire into the condition of journeymen bakers negatived by 90 to 44—Sir F . N . Buxton ' s motion respecting slave and free grown sugar postponed till the 31 st instant—Sir William Molesworth ' s amendment on the Australian Colonies 13111 negatived by 165 to 42—Mr . Gladstone ' s amendment on the same bill by 187 to 102—The consideration of the Factories Bill was postponed until Monday evening .

      History Of The Week. The House Of Common...

      HISTORY OF THE WEEK . The House of Commons was employed , on Monday evening , in the discussion of the Australian Colonies Bill . The debate was begun by Sir William Molesworth , who moved " That the bill be recommitted for the purpose of omitting all clauses which empower the Colonial-office to disallow colonial laws , to cause colonial bills to be reserved , and to instruct colonial governors as to their conduct in the local affairs of the colonies ; and for the purpose of adding clauses enumerating and denning imperial and colonial powers . " " Lord John Russell had declared that the colonies should enjoy the greatest amount of self-government consistent with the uni ty and integrity of the empire , but the bill did not give them that amount of selfgovernment . Under its provisions the Governor of a colony would be merely the puppet of the Colonial-office . Instead of being allowed to make their own laws , the colonies , even after they had declared themselves unanimously in favour of any particular legislative measure , might have it kept back for two or three years , if the Colonial-office were not satisfied with it . A long series of instances of incompetency and mischievous intermeddling on the part of the Colonial-office was given to show what evils would result from allowing the bill to remain in its present state . To illustrate the ignorance of the Colonial-office on colonial affairs , he mentioned that for several years running the Colonial-office received reports from Ceylon , according to which the number of births , deaths , and marriages in that colony was every year precisely the same . This remarkable statistical fact , which entirely escaped the observation of the Colonial-office , was explained by the fact that the same report , with an alteration only of the date , was sent year after year from Ceylon . From these reports and similar information , the Colonial-office was led into the most singular errors with regard to the financial condition of Ceylon . It mistook a deficit for a surplus of income over expenditure . ( Hear ) . It fancied that the Treasury of Ceylon was full when it was empty , that liabilities were assets , and cancelled notes were bullion . He contended that the colonial Parliaments ought to be invested with all the legislative powers , except those which are imperial . These should be reserved to the Crown , the colonial Parliament being restricted from touching them . The chief imperial powers are , the right of proclaiming and of making treaties , of proroguing and dissolving Parliament , of raising fleets and armies , of establishing forms of judicature , of granting titles , and of coining money . The prerogative which the Queen enjoys in Kngland as head of the national Church should not be extended to the colonies , because there should be no " national " church there . As regards the rrsponsibility of the governor to the people , a colonial Parliament should have the power of removing a governor , by address to the Crown from two-thirds of the whole number of members of the colonial Parliament . " The great principle upon which the colonies would be governed is precisely similar to that of the United States . The great statesmen who framed that constitution had this problem to solve—to divide the powers of Government between the States and the Union so as to reserve to the States self-government in their own affairs , and at the same time to invest the Union with the general government of the whole nation . Now , every one who has studied the subject acknowledges that , as far as the division of the powers of government is concerned , the constitution of the United States has worked well for the last seventy years . Therefore I am entitled to infer that my constitution for the colonies , which , as far as the division of the powers of government is concerned , is similar in principle and machinery to that of the United States , will also work well ; for it seems to me that there is a striking analogy between the system of government of the United States and what ought to be the system of our colonial empire . The United States is a system of government of statrs clustered round a central republic ; our colonial empire ought to be a system of colonies clustered round the hereditary monarchy of England . The hereditary monarchy should possess the powers of government , with the exception of that of taxation , which the central republic possessed . If it possessed less , the empire would cease to be one body politic ; if it continued to possess more , the colonies would be discontented ut the want of selfgovernment , and would , on the first occasion , imitate their brethren in . America . To prevent such an event I propose that the Colonial-office shall cease to interfere with the management of the local affairs of those colonies , nnd that they shall possess the greatest amount of self-government that is not inconsistent with the unity and well-being of the British empire . With this object in view , I submit to the consideration of the House the measures to which I have referred . I do :: o with diffidence ns to the details of those measures , but with confidence that they are founded upon the true principles of colonial policy . I , therefore , ask the House to recommit this bill , and to consider these measures in detail . "

      Mr . Labotjchere could see no analogy between our colonies and the United States , nor did he think that such a scheme as the one proposed was at all practicable . So far from effecting the object in view it would introduce nothing but confusion and discontent into every part of our colonial empire in which it was applied . Rebuking this mode of dismissing the subject in

      " a few minutes speech , Mr . Adderley contrasted the colonial policy of Mr . Labouchere , Earl Grey , and Mr . Hawes since they came into office with what it was while they were in opposition , and contended that our colonies are entitled to a system of government in harmony with the British constitution . Ministers had framed a constitution for the colonies more like that of Russia than of England—a jumble of despotism and oligarchy , with a spice of democracy .

      Sir George Grey was unable to see how they could insert in an act of Parliament any such accurate definition of imperial and colonial questions as would carry out the object proposed ; and he sneeringly said that he should not apologise for not being able to speak for half an hour on this subject . Mr . Gladstone supported the motion on the ground that it is highly desirable to emancipate the colonies altogether from the control of the Government at home , unless upon denned objects that clearly belong to imperial discretion . The House having divided , the numbers were : — For the motion , 42 : against it , 165 : majority , 123 .

      A long discussion then took place upon a motion made by Mr . Gladstone , that the following claxise be inserted : — ** And whereas doubts have existed as to the rights and privileges of the bishops , clergy , and other members of the united Church of England and Ireland , in regard to the management of the internal affairs thereof in the said colonies ; be it enacted , that it shall be lawful for the bishop or bishops of any diocese , or dioceses , in the said colonies , or in any colony which her Majesty shall , by Order in Council , declare to be joined to them , and

      the clergy and lay persons , being declared members of the Church of England , or being otherwise in communion with him or them respectively , to meet together from time to time , and at such meeting , by mutual consent , or by a majority of voices of the said clergy and laity , severally and respectively , with the assent of the said bishop , or of a majority of the said bishops , if more than one , to make all such regulations as m ? . y be necessary for the better conduct of their ecclesiastical affairs , and for the holding of meetings for the said purpose thereafter . "

      By asking their assent to this motion he did not call upon the House to take upon itself the responsibility of determining what should be the system of church government and discipline in Australia . His sole object was' to give the members of the Church of England in our colonies the same privileges as those enjoyed by dissenters : — ' To the clause which he had described he was willing to add five provisoes which he had placed upon the votes . The first provided that no temporal or pecuniary penalty or disability should be imposed by the regulations that might be made by the members of the church . The

      next , provided that no one should be bound by the regulations but the members of the church . The third , that as the sees in Australia had at present certain legal relations with the metropolitan see of Canterbury , those relations should not be modified without the Archbishop ' s consent . The fourth , that there should be no regulation made affecting the ris » ht of the Crown in the nomination of bishops without the consent of the Secretary of State . The last , that no regulation should authorize the bishop to admit to any clerical office any one who did not take the oath of allegiance , subscribe the articles , and declare his unfeigned assent and consent to the Prayer-book . "

      As an illustration of the evils arising from the want of some such convocation as the one proposed , he referred to the fact that no clergyman could officiate in the colony without a licence from the Bishop , and that this could be withheld or withdrawn by the Bishop at his own . pleasure , without assigning any reason for so doing . He did not call upon the House to interfere with this arbitrary and unbalanced power ; all he asked was merely , that the members of the allowed to

      Church of England in Australia should be deal with it , without being deterred by fears and doubts of the penalties of the law . If the members of the Church of England could not do that for themselves which the Horn an Catholics , the Presbyterians , the Independents , and the Bapists did for themselves , Parliament could not help them . What ho asked was , that Parliament should put it in their power to regulate their own affairs , as freely as other sects do .

      Mr . Laboucher-r strongly objected to the proposal , on the ground that it wont to establish , an ecclesiastical system and a local legislature founded thereon , which would be independent alike of the Imperial Parliament and the Colonial Legislature . He objected to laws being made by an ecclesiastical synod , unknown in the history of Christianity . Mr . Hope and Mr . Wood supported the motion , on the ground that the Church in the colonies should bo allowed to have her usages equally with tho " \ Vesloyans and lloman Catholics . * Mr . Hoehuck detected in this motion an unucrhand attempt to establish a Convocation . Finding

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), May 11, 1850, page 2, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_11051850/page/2/