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Leader (1850-1860), 10th December 1859, Edition 2 of 2, Page 16

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      France And Austria, Which Contained A Fo...

      owned fbr his rule of conduct the laws which govern most other men , we should be sanguine that , having annihilated the Holy Alliance by the proclamation of the second Empire and by the Crimean war , he would not invoke the unjust principles of that Alliance in the case of Italy . But , under acttial * circumstances , we can only hope for the best , and wait the issue of the Congress . Should the war in Italy be suffered to bear its natural fruit , and oive to the peninsula that freedom of action which is an indefeasible ' right of every assemblage of thinking and reasoning beings , leaving it amenable only to the beneficial laws of international justice and political equipoise of power , the great monarch who undertook that war would assuredly have earned a right to the

      imperishable gratitude of posterity . The princes of Central Italy have lost their thrones because they had neither personal worth nor public opinion to support their authority . They fell , not in consequence of foreign violence , but by the national will . The bonds between them and their people were broken ; their bad government had separated their thrones from the popular regard and affection as if by a deep trench . Of what avail , then , would it be for foreign rulers to try to force them back upon their reluctant subjects ? No intrigue can undo the past , or prevent a repetition of the uneasiness which has disturbed Europe , if a return to the former system is unwarrantably obtruded upon the Italian peninsula . In 1849 , by force . of arms , Austria replaced the three foreign dynasties of Parma , Modena , and Tuscany upon their thrones . She would not suffer it to be said that even the

      House of Lorraine could stand without her support . Ten years afterwards , all three dynasties were compelled to abandon the thrones which they occupied as Austrian proconsuls and not as ; ltalian princes . Such are the teachings of history , which can never safely be disregarded or ignored . It is devoutly to be hoped that the arrangements effected between the European * powers , who are to meet together in January next , will be of such a nature that peace and prosperity may be guaranteed fbr a long time to come .

      1348 The Leader [No. 507. Dec. 10, 185q....

      1348 THE LEADER [ No . 507 . Dec . 10 , 185 Q . < P ^ MM ^ fcSTtta < r 3 £ rg ^ Ts . » " , a . ;_ b «& i' » s . ~ s \ r-aw * o : sn * . ^ . 4 -J ^^ jj- 't ^— jutv' ~ c . w * gp » L : a" - *>** ' - ' a'' * - "! " ^ ac » : ! ¦ ^ Lt ^^^ MP ^'" Wii ¦ nijp ^ c ^ n ¦ - ¦ ~* iii ¦ ' * ' » ' «^^^^»> ¦ " *^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^™***^^ ' ^** g >*^^ iii "'^'"^ w ^ m , !!! .. ^ - ^!

      Mr. Bjright's Leadership

      ties which are essential to a great popular leader , in a country that has happily passed through the period when mere declamation could carry much weight in the affairs of men . We sympathise strongly with Mr . Bright ' s visions of custom houses turned into factories , and the last coast guardsman and the last exciseman taking their places in the archaeological department of the British Museum ; but before these questions can belong to the practical business of the day , we must create a legislature that reflects the national

      will , and is capable of desiring that elevation of the masses and that emancipation of : industry , to accomplish which the financial changes are proposed . If Mr . Brig ht ' s example were to be followed , Parliamentary reform would be subordinated to fiscal changes , and instead of being demanded in order that the people should decide for themselves how the taxation should be levied , it would be sought for the sake of carrying out a scheme which , whatever its merits , is surrounded with difficulties , and is remarkably distasteful to those who have , to a very large extent , the power of refusing to accede to electoral improvements .

      wealthy classes , of the existence of his movement He did not * however , content himself with one or two set orations , but laboured with devotion quite remarkable in a man who at the same time dili gently discharged the functions of a large andsunl cessful employer of labour . The result has been an annual increase of power , and the political education of a large district , extendin g f ]^ _ castle to York , and from Carlisle to Berwick to an extent which is , unfortunately , not equalled any - where else . Not even in London can large audi - ences be assembled , who know so much " ' about social and political subjects as those which thron <»

      tnc Lecture-room or the Town-hall of Newcastle when the Northern Reform Union issues its summonses , and inA'ites its adherents to the discussion of public affairs . Now what Mr . Cowen and his friends have done in one place can be done in others , by the same expenditure of patriotism money , and time , arid their movement , lias the advantage of being national , not sectional . If Mr Bright really does care for popular rights , he may find in Newcastle an example that he might follow with advantage ; but whatever applause may attend his orations , he may rest assured he will

      neither'be a great statesman nor a great popular leader until he is more national and less local , and can make up lys mind to labour consistently and stcadi ly for u wide ex tension of the su'fFrage , although the result may not be favourable to the crotchets of his particularly narrow school . It was an exhibition of shortsightedness , when he failed to perceive the natural connexion between popular education in military matters and the abolition of Court and aristocratic jobbing in our JVar Department , and it was a needless and silly insult to the common sense and sound feelin

      describe the volunteer movement as one of . ' which in a few years the people " would be heartily ashamed . " It is much more . likely that they will be ashamed of a leader who , now as on former occasions , seems inclined to divert attention from the simple question of Parliamentary reform , and who has done more than any other man to make the Liberal party a rope of sand . Mr . Bright should also learn to appreciate the labours brothers who do not belong to his sect . The succession tax may be far too small , but it was a great thing to introduce ; it at all , and he ought not to speak of it without giving due honour to Mr . Gladstone , for a brilliant and " " difficult achievement , -which will , hereafter , bear important fruits .

      Mr . Bright cannot be said to have propounded a system that would work . In accordance with his usual custom , he stops short at the point where the statesman should supplement the labours of the platform orator , and contributes precisely nothing to the elucidation of the host of minor questions that must be solved before an entirely new system of finance can be established in an . old country , full of interests and prejudices that cannot hastily be swept away . It would be easy to tax the realised property which can be seen

      in the shape of land and houses , or traced in share registers or similar documents , but by what precise method is the capital of the merchant or the millowner to be made to contribute its share ? The present income tax is shamefully evaded by these classes , and , every one conversant with London society or any great manufacturing towns , is convinced that within a few streets are to be found more persons of large income than are returned for the entire kingdom . To pounce down upon the . £ 100 of the comparatively poor man who has invested it in a manner convenient

      for the tax gatherer , and to let the £ 100 , 000 escape which is floating in the transactions of the merchant , would violate all sense of justice ; and before the non - trading classes can be fairly asked to consent to a tax of 8 * . out of every £ 3 or ¦ . £ 4 which they derive from a . £ 100 investment , it will be necessary to show them that the trading class , receiving , perhaps , 15 to 30 percent , upon their capital , and often much more , will be made to contribute to a similar extent .

      mirers thought wonderful efforts of human genius , but which had the effect of alarming the aristocracy and wealthy middle class , without bringing the democracy into the field . Half-a-dozen orations of questionable merit did not succeed in effecting a revolution in our defective political system , nor did they raise from the entire people a shout— " There is one Reform , and John Bright is its Prophet , " If the member for Birmingham really cared for Parliamentary reform , this should not have discouraged him : he should have urged ibis friends to hold meeting after meeting , and

      MR . BRIGHT'S LEADERSHIP . Some years ago Mr , Bright attended a conference held by the National Parliamentary Reform Association at Crosby Hall , and strongly advised the advocates of an extension of the suffrage not to make their task more difficult by holding out to the privileged classes the prospect of a variety of changes detrimental to their interests , and alarming fo their prejudices . To some extent , at least , the advice was sound , and its giver would have been a more valuable friend to political progress if he had acted upon it himself . Last year Mr . Bright made a few speeches , which his

      adfollow the counsel so often given by Mr . Cobden , of sticking to one subject until it is completely worked out . Somehow , or another the names kindled by Mr . Bright ' a eloquence died away like firework corruscatipns . In no town did any organisation that originated with him manifest energy or activity , and the London Committee , of which he was the hero and apparent chief , might have been supposed defunct , up to its recent vapid meeting , na ' d it not kindly informed the country , through the advertising columns of the that it sat dail while the

      newspapers , " y" elections were going on . At length Mr . Bright has reappeared upon the scene , and his penultimate speech is a favourable specimen of bis manner and style . With much of it any friend of the people must agree , nor will many regret the hard knocks he hag bestowed upon certain journalists who have perverted " the truth to serve class interests or party purposes ; but there remains the question of out bono ? And If we . appl y the test of utility to Mr . Bright's oratorical labours , we shall disoern the uaual want of judgment and statesmanship ,

      quali-These difficulties are by no means insuperable ; but we doubt the possibility of dealing with them until the people are fairly represented in Parliament , and public opinion has been changed and enlightened by the discussions that would then take place . Next year will not be a time for establishing a new financial system , but it will be the time for settling representation upon a new basis , and upon the decision arrived at , the policy of this country will depend for many years . Under these circumstances we invite the friends of progress to consider the bearing of Mr . Bright ' s proposed agitation , upon the chances of the new Reform Bill .

      As we have before stated we appreciate the services rendered b y the Liverpool Financial Reformers , and believe their expositions of the waste , extravagance , and pressure of the existing taxation system might be made a valuable auxiliary to the demand for electoral reform ; but if Mr Bright were to b p taken as the leader in the popular agitation , it is dear that his present plan for subordinating the extension of the suffrage to financial schemes would operate as n diversion

      from the main object , and increase the facilities that the aristocracy at present possess for thwarting and delaying the satisfaction of popular demands . The Northern Reform Union by steadily pursuing its one object—manhood suffrage —has built up an important power , and almost every day the local papers bear witness to the utility of its exertions , and the enthusiasm with which they are receive , *! . When Mr . Joseph Cowon began his campaign * he was laughed at for his pains , and it required all the advantage of his personal character , and the high position of his firm , to win anything like recognition , by the

      Religion Ix Tuscanv.— A Letter From Flor...

      Religion ix Tuscanv . — A letter from Florence contains the following information : — "I some time ago alluded to what is called ' evangelical Christianity' in Tuscany . I said but little about it , for both the instinctive prudence and caution of the new sectarians themselves , and the extreme wariness and timidity of the Government , combine to hide as much as possible the candle of theso new lights under a bushel . The movement , however , seems tlaily to assume more significant dimensions . Two , three , five hundred , and even nearly one thousand people meet of a Sunday evening in this town , in and about the small room doing duly for a chapel . . " 'It » s dimcult to calculate the results of this afnuencc-ot people to such n place , and of the freo distribution of Bibles and religious tracts among persons of all classes . limited to tma

      Nor is the movement by any means capital . Everywhere throughout Tuscany , and stui more in the Romngnas , are the books spread , ana people induced to join in the puru-al of them , llieso new congregations have as yet no definite symbols , no-established clergy , no appointed teachers ; they profess to ground their faith on the Gospel cmd on freedom of inquiry . They have as yet no men ot transcendent ability , of striking eloquence , or olconspicuous character among them . Their most git ea preacher is Muazavolla , a Neapolitan , onco connected with the Waldensea of Piedmont , than a » cco < 1 er m > m them , and the founder of an opposition a " ?; ,, )' *" Evangelical Society , in Turin and Genoa . A no man of the highest rank in the flock is Count 1 lotto Guieciardini , of Florence the sumo who years ago

      suffered imprisonment and banishmont , as guiuy «« the crime of reading the Biblo privately with two or three friends in his own house Somo of Ins congregation think the Count , rather lukewarm ana timid in the cause . The groat obstacle to the royiviu , is the Btato of perfect apathy , of religious dentil , w which moat Italians , whether profbasod bollovoro or nrrant infidels , arc content to live . Jtollglon , w I had ocoaslon to say before , haa too long boon t »« priests' business in Italy . Ono prloot , I nm tod , dm already forsukoa the established ohuroh and joinou the innovators ia Florence .

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 10, 1859, page 16, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_10121859/page/16/