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Leader (1850-1860), 10th December 1859, Edition 2 of 2, Page 10, 1342 THE LEAPED [No. 507. Dec, 10. issq ...

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      American Affairs. A Washi Ngton Telegram...

      proposition will be accepted . Every tiling is tranquil in tbe island . ?' General Scott reached Portland on the 21 st . General Harney left Portland soon after the arrival of General Scott at that place , but on what business is not stated . Report says that he was offended at being superseded in his command , General Scott was about to establish his head-quarters on board the United States Steatner Massachusetts : he

      had not decided upon any plan of action . The excitement at Charleston , Virginia , growing out of rumours of a revival of the Harper ' s Ferry movement , had subsided , and the trooss were being sent home . The Court of Appeals had refused to award a writ of error in the case of John Brown , being of opinion that the judgment of the Circuit Court was correct . Reports had been current of armed men from Ohio having crossed into Virginia to assist the abolition movement , but they were not authentic . .

      1342 The Leaped [No. 507. Dec, 10. Issq ...

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      Germany. Hanover, Dec. 5th 1859. The Amu...

      GERMANY . Hanover , Dec . 5 th 1859 . The amusing counter-proposal , made by the agent , a would-be modern Franklin , of the United States at the Congress of 1856 , has been taken au serieux by the shipowners of the Hansetown , Bremen . I reported in my last letter that a meeting had been called in this city to consider the best means of protecting private property at sea during war . The meeting was held on Friday , and the conclusion arrived at was , that the best way of preventing robbery by capture , was to prohibit it , and those nations that maintained war fleets would have the goodness to uphold the prohibition for the benefit of shipowners in particular , and trade and civilisation in general . The meeting appears to have been a closed one , for there was not one voice raised against the folly . Nobody put the question why war fleets exist ? Nobody inquired what was the moral difference between taking a ship and taking a town , or seizing upon the waggon and horses of a peasant . If the capture of merchant vessels can be prohibited , and the prohibition maintained , why cannot the taking of towns or the laying them under contribution be likewise rendered contrary to the . law's of nations ? When the Americans , in 1856 , expressed their determination not to give up privateering unless the capture of merchant vessels by national ships of war was likewise abolished , the French laughed at them , and asked whether they imagined that 1859 was 1812 ? France has now the saine good reasons for retaining the right of privateering , that the United States had formerly . The tables are turned—America is all flesh and fat , and France all tooth and claw , and the assumption therefore that America ought to be feared on account of her privateering capabilities , is the sheerest

      abthe results of this Conference , it is only known at present that a resolution has been adopted to address to all those Federal Governments which have held aloof , a note stating the reasons for the Conference and the conclusions arrived at . Bavaria and Saxony are to draw up this statement in the name of the Conference ; but it will be brought un <| er the notice of the other Governments by a note emanating from Bavaria alone . o Nothing worthy of attention has transpired in the Federal Diet . The Hanoverian Chambers are summoned by royal proclamation to meet on the 3 rd January . But for the war alarm , which absorbs all our attention , a very animated session might

      be expected . The Liberals are strong and well commanded , full of hope in the future ; the Court party doubtful of the future , and fully aware that they are utterly detested by the great mass of the people . The authorities seem to have given ear to sound advice , and have ceased from the persecution they had commenced against those who had signed the Programme of Eisenach . The fear of the approaching war is producing the direst consequences . Complaints are loud from all quarters of the declining condition of trade and manufacture . This state of things was endurable during the war , as every one hoped and believed that the cessation of hostilities would restore confidence and instil new

      life into trade ; but the peace , far from mending matters , has only rendered them worse . The general opinion is that ; even if the Congress should meet and adopt a settlement , the war will be put off merely for a year or two ; and if this opinion is shared by the Governments , we cannot anticipate any reduction of these tremendous armaments which are devouring the vitals of all the great nations of Europe . Every social reform , every political requirement , is thrust into the background to make way for improvements in cannon , in rifles , in equipments . The fighting tactics of a Zouave or a Turco are of more interest to the reading public than the finest dissertations of the most patriotic

      political economist . Unity , Federal reform , poetry , music—all are forgotten in this war panic ; All the talent of the nations appears to be exerted solely in the production of implements of destruction , instead of in works of social utility . People are inquiring of each other , with blank dismay in their faces , how long this armed peace is going to last , and the desire to procure relief from the evil they fear , by challenging the evil itself , is becoming daily more general and decided . War or peace is the cry , but not a longer continuance in this condition of doubt aad dread , which is destroying individuals , and will soon lead to the destruction of nations . A war could not cause much greater hardships than those which already exist . We are now only in the beginning of winter , and already

      labourers are everywhere begging for employmentmanufacturers are complaining of short ordersthe stores are all full , nobody can afford to buycapitalists are in doubt where to invest their money —and the peasants bury now , more than ever , their gains in the earth . The journals either do not like , or are not permitted , to make known the universal misery and discontent . Individuals , of course , endeavour to hide their indigence , but every one is aware that his neighbour is curtailing his expenses , and they are all beginning to perceive that what is general is no disgrace , and do not mind declaring their poverty , which all attribute to the circumstances of the time , not to personal demerit , folly , or neglect .

      The Austrian newspaper press may be considered as annihilated . A new press law , or rnthor four new supplementary clauses to the old press law of 1852 , have been published , by which any newspaper may be condemned and suppressed at . the pleasure of the official who is appointed to watch the journals . By the 4 th , clauseof this supplement , itis prohibited to any journal to publish false news , whether invented , or exaggerated , or in any way deviating from the truth ; it is likewise forbidden , under pain of suppression , to ridicule any official , or publish anything that may bring the Government or any person connected with it , into contempt , If this edict be strictly carried out , all discussion of home aflaira is rendered impossible , and the very smallest space in the Austrian journals will , in future , bo devoted to their own country .

      Adolf Glaesbronner , a well known writer , and Editor of the weokly journal " Berlin , " having assertod in his paper that the disturbance which occurred at the Schiller celebration in Berlin was caused by a set of vagabonds who had boon incited to it by another sot of vagabonds , has > boon summoned . ' to appear before the authorities at tho instance of tho Kjreuz ZIoitung ' s connexion , who regarded this as directed against them . Glass * bronner , in explanation , stated that his remarks wore not directed at any person in particular , but he was morally convinced that tho disturbance on the 10 th ult . had been incited by a party that was opposed to the celebration .

      surdity . The counter-proposal was not a bad joke , and its piquancy is further heightened by the very honest greediness with which the Hansetown shipowners have snapped it up , as a bond fide boon . The meeting concluded that the custom of capturing private vessels at sea during war was an injustice opposed ; to trade and civilisation , and they pray the Senate to exert its influence with the other Governments , that the subject may be brought under the notice of the approaching Congress , and the evil put an end to . During the discussion , one speaker observed that although the proposal made

      by the United States at the last Congress had failed , owing to the opposition of the great naval powers , yet , this time , England might be found , more willing to lend an ear to the demand , because France had so greatly increased her naval power , and it ? was consequently as much in the interest pf England , as of other nations , to proclaim tho inviolability of private property ( belonging to belligerents as well as to neutrals ) during war . Apropos of Bremen , the steamer Weser , appertaining hitherto to the North German . Lloyd , lias beon purchased by tho French Government for the

      sum of , £ 35 , 000 . She is now lying in tho' Typo , to be strengthened and equipped as a war steamer or transport . I had baroly written ray last when tho news arrived of tho termination of the Conference of Waxzburg- ^ -why bo suddenly is not yet explained . Iflaiathe whole affair would probably prove to bo moonshine * it has turned out even leas—a mqrewllloMshe-wlflp—a snare , but I cannot say , a deception , * or _ fch © Germans are too knowing now , from long wna dear-bought experience , to be caught by those Uftruum-lik © hoaxes on the part of their princes . Of

      _ ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^* ^—^^^^^^ _^ Iidia, ...

      _ ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^* ^—^^^^^^ _^ IIDIA , AND INDIAN PROGRESS . — ^

      A Native Parliament. We Were The Other D...

      A NATIVE PARLIAMENT . We were the other day conversing with a Bengalee Baboo of some pretensions , who spoke English and talked politics , and altogether answered to the modern idea of an intelligent native gentleman . Of course we talked of the mutiny . Said our intelligent friend , who is an esprit fort in politics : "If the mutiny had come off some ten or twelve years later it would not havmuch mattered

      e to us . " It would have found us still more unprepared , observed we . " Very probably , " quoth the Bengalee coolly " but by that time we should have been able to take up the government ourselves in Bengal . " He then went on to enlarge on the progress made by Young Bengal in literature , arts , and sciences , and explained that at this rate , they , the Bengalees , should be enabled to realise political equality and liberty within a . very short space of time .

      Now this gentleman ' s views are probably by no means extreme in comparison with the average of educated Bengalees . He , no doubt , -when at home , takes in the Indian Patriot and Hindoo Field , besides a few racy native periodicals , and is a member of the British Indian Association in Calcutta , corresponding and co-operating probably with the Uugomuni Isiamee or Mussulman Association for promoting the prosperity of all natives generally , and Mahoinedans particularly , for which vide prospectus . He belongs to a class which is peculiarly

      fostered and encouraged by a certain section of the British community , and which is fast learning the important arts of political combination and agitation . What is more , the supreme Government in Bengal looks upon their rapid progress with a complacent eye , and shows every disposition to put this party in opposition to its somewhat unmanageable European population . The Ijidian Field , no contemptible paper as regards style and power of composition , hounds on the Baboo to attack the Britisher , and acts as bottle-holder to its native friends , the

      Hindoo Patriot invariably repeating and applauding any peculiarly vicious article which may issue from the latter . We have no doubt but that Lord Canning and all the Calcutta members of Government take in the Hindoo Patriot , and are pleased with themselves for thus showing a liberal and tolerant spirit worthy of this enlightened age . Thus patted on the back , encouraged , and pushed forward , the native Liberal party is advancing at gigantic strides , and we feel sure that our intelligent friend , whose remarks concerning the mutiny were quoted at the commencement of this article , is a very mild exponent of the ideas and anticipations of his

      countrymen . « ' Now , we are aware that we , up here in the North West , are somewhat behind the age and comparatively benighted , that our style of Government is patriarchal , and that our notions regarding the native population arc simply barbarous , ; therefore we do not shrink from owning that our respectable Bengalee ' s cool remark , to the effect that without

      they , tho Bengalees , could have got on us if the mutiny had been postponed for some dozen years , gave us an unpleasant start , and when our friend had gono , led us into a very queer train ot meditation . We will not dwell upon the characteristically pitiless ingratitude displayed in the observation , suggesting a bird ' s-eye view of the oducatea Baboo calmly turning his educators and teachersi into a pit , after having allowed the sepoys to cut an their throats , and nroceediner unconcernedly to go *

      on without them . " We wish to considor whituorau this is tondjng in Calcutta , and whether those who encourago tho Calcutta natives to demand tneir political rights are exactly aware of what they arc doing ; also whether the Indian Field , whoso indopondenco and disinterestedness , supposing its articles to be written by Europeans , deserve at loast some commendation , is acting wlsoly in fostering and stimulating a flerco spirit of political ftnt « g ° »? between tho white and black races in Bengal . Sir C . Jackson was right after all—Uioro can novor bo equality of races . And Avhat is more , there never has been , in any ago or in any oibuww

      country , an equality of two porfoot tocos forming one nation . Wherever two distinct tocos have mot in any part of tho world thoro Jias boon a struggle , and ono lias gono under , iuio w races may have subsequently coalesced' anu uiuiwj by intermixture , so as * o have becomo , in course oi tiino , ono race to all intents and purposes , out iww separate races have novor oxiatod , and never w »» exist , in acoord . Take tho oxamplo of Ireland . » cost us a bloody struggle , which lasted four l » unuro « years , to fairly conquer Ireland , because up to iw

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 10, 1859, page 10, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_10121859/page/10/