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Leader (1850-1860), 9th February 1856, Edition 2 of 2, Page 12, lgg THE LEA DEB. [No. 307, Saturday,

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      Sir John Molteill's Report. It Is A Popu...

      would require lime-juice ; but , until February , the lime-juice was left untouched in store . Another fatal " regulation" is that which prescribes that a soldier is entitled to fuel when in barrack , but that in the field he must supply himself . On the bleak and treeless plateau before Sevastopol lie was left to cut wood for his own use ; and , there being no wood to cut , he had none to burn . Lord Raglan disdained the TmsfiraKIfi teelmifialities of the

      Commissariat , and ordered it to prepare a sufficiency of fuel , which it did—and issued the first supply in less than a month . Sir John McNeill points out , as the capital defect of the " system , " that no one functionary is specially responsible for the adaptation of the resources to the wants of the army . It would be to little purpose to multiply , from this report , illustrations of defective organisation or of administrative imbecility . The evils , so far as the y were fortuitous , have been

      remedied ; some of the defects in the machinery of departments have been supplied . But the point of the highest importance , is , whether , in the event of a , peace , Great Britaiaican depend on her army and navy . Brave soldiers and sailors she has always had ; but , in an y future war , must we pass through two years of danger and suffering—must we sacrifice an army , and incur the loss of prestige , before we can be said to be really in a state of j pyeparatioii ? The probable settlement with Bussia will not , let us be assured , relieve us from the necessity of preserving the most perfect

      equipment of military and naval power . The desire of all intelligent men is , that we may remain on terms o f the most cordial amity with ^ ux Allies ; the basis of a real alliance is equality . . Our commercial and industrial prosperity may excite the admiration of the-vvorld j they excite also the jealousies of rival nations . Our traditions are splendid , they are not means of defence . To be respected , we must be powerful ; nd : to be powerful , our resources must be organised , tried , trainee ! , regular in every detail , from the appointment to the highest commands to the administration of the most humble

      necessities of the soldier ' s life . Sir John McNeill tells us that the Crimean army , in spite of neglect , privation , and misery , " never abated its confidence in itself , and never descended from its acknowledged military preeminence . " But the army knows , andthe world knows , that during forty years of peace , Great Britain neglected her military and naval affairs . Wehave seen the results . We have been

      exposed to the contempt of our enemies and allies ; we may not yet comprehend all the evil effects of our Crimean failures . We have yet to learn how they may influence our position in Europe , and our political alliances . And , we ask , what will be the result ? what nation -will fear our enmity , or value our alliance , if , at the Peace , vre relapse into routine , and allow the governing classes to do as they have done by us for nearly half a century ?

      Lgg The Lea Deb. [No. 307, Saturday,

      lgg THE LEA DEB . [ No . 307 , Saturday ,

      No " Order !"—No " Merit !" Ii?. . The M...

      NO " ORDER ! " —NO " MERIT !" Ii ? . . the man at this moment most powerful in this country knew his own power , what influence he might exercise- —what a name he might leave on . his tomb 1 If Lord Palmejoton poujd carry out the happy impulse which made him exclaim , «« TU be your leader , " how he might ^ . the scofFors , and be tl ^ e idol of the

      Jfe ^ M * People . Alas ! the impulse died away . Or . JI ^ or ^ Palmerston lias other views . Or P $# yi motives interpose . Or the power of ? $$ 5 * * 9 ngex than the man . Whatever tn ey ^ use ,, certain , it is that our responsible HrSwv ? ilin \ o ?< a anxio « s about their own retlTrf T ? ty ^ qpaflding ^ the people ; and the ^ ioble , patxonVgenerous people , which never foil * to answer , to » generous appeil , is but half

      trusted . That race which has excelled all others in fidelity to its leaders , is studiously kept out of political power as long and as much as possible- It is commonly said that the Great Charter and the Bill of Rights conferred certain liberties on the English people : not at all . Those statutes were only treaties of peace , in which the contending parties did but agree not to fight any more about liberties which had been denied , but which the people had taken . The justice of a further Reform Bill

      giving a large extension of the suffrage , has been , recognised by Lord Palmerston ' s own colleagues , measures to concede the people's right have been introduced with his sanction ; but now he and his colleagues are sedulously feeding public attention with " practical" measuresthat is , unpolitical measures--- —in order to divert popular attention from the political rights which have been so conspicuously acknowledged , and deferred . The practical improvements are very good ; but why treat political jxistice as incompatible with social justice ? Why must limited liability in

      partnership precede the partnership of the people in the franchise , whichmocks them with representation ? Wh y must the abolition of passing tolls on shipping exclude from sight the abolition of unjxist and unconstitutional exclusions from the franchise ? Why must policemen be prohibited from voting at elections before the freemen of this country regain the right inherent in every British freeman ? Is it that our rulers desire to enforce the lesson , that Englishmen shall have no freedoms , save those acquired in one way—save those which the people take ?

      The war and the foreign alliances have afforded some opportunities for casting off anti-popular restrictions ; but our ruling class will not cast off anything until it is compelled . Many English subjects have attained considerable hono-urs as exhibitors at the great Paris Exposition , and the decoration of the Legion

      of Honour is conferred upon them . But they are told that they must not wear it without the leave of the Sovereign , and that leave will not be given to civilians ! Why ? "Oh , because it is the rule ! " Is this stupidity—that the most powerful statesmen of our day cannot trample under foot the rules created by their predecessors ? Or is it that " civilians ' ' below

      a certain grade are despised ? It looks like pride and stupidity both . But where is our " leader ? " He , at least , ought to know how grossly impolitic is this slight upon the Emperor , our ally—how galling to the picked men of our " civilian" classes . Perhaps it may teach our people that there is among the governing classes no real respect for any order of men that do not wear the sword .

      A new " order of merit" was to be founded , and we have the " Victoria Cross , " given " for valour . " It is good , so far as it goes*—and it rather severely rebukes those sages who thought valour an obsolete virtue . But what an opportunity was there for doing something more than invent a new decoration 1 It was juat the time to invent a new order of chivalry . The old " knighthood" has been destroyed by those who knighted a Sir William for biscuit baking , a Sir George for fiddling decently , a Sir John for

      encouraging missions and tract selling , a Sir Lucius O'Shauoiinesst for vending good usquebaugh , —knights created for any virtue but those of chivalry . Those who ' claim to be connected with the last knight banneret—knight created on the field of battle—must go . back many generations . The Order of the Garter has become a " vacant ribbon , " conferred on nobles who are pliant to tho court ; " the Bath " is reserved for the upper ranks , while the C . B ., whioh ' is the badge of companionship , ia but an alpha- i i i i ¦

      " ¦ " ¦¦ MBaviBaaaBMaignmB aa ^ MKaiaM ^ MKa ^^ , ^ — betical distinction depreciated by its indiscriminate distribution to a tribe of pushing middle-class projectors . Order of Chivalry there is literally none now existing . Such an institution might have been revived . Its very soul consists of the chivalrous virtues courage , loyalty , and generous devotion . But its body consists in the fellowship . The Sovereign is about to confer a badge for one the chivalrous virtues , courage ; but the other virtvi . es are unbadged , and the new chivalry has no body , for it is unincorporated . The General will vie with the common soldier in seeking the cross for the most brave ; but when both have obtained , and they are marked out as equals , there is no brotherhood . The General will still stalk by the humble Johnny who salutes his superior ; the man of rank not daring to grasp his fellow-badgeman by the hand . Is it that the " private" hero would be presuming on the fellowship ? We all know better : we see well that the very summons to sit in chapter of the order with his chief would fill the humble soldier with a sense of humility , of his own deficiencies , and of the inequality in other things , as powerful as his pride in the common badge for a common virtue . We know too that the conflict of humility and pride would engender the strongest motives to win a higher status by acquiring the qualifications ; and that the brother of the order would stand pledged to be a gentleman — -an example to his own rank of obedience , loyalty , and high feeling . But what of that ? Admirable as such a lesson might be , the General dares not be the instructor . We know not why he dares not , unless it be from the consciousness that vulgar pride has taken the place of genuine knightly devotion . And the statesman who might "be our leader " here , is not at his post .

      ' Training For Soldiers. Suppose Peace C...

      TRAINING FOR SOLDIERS . Suppose peace conies of the Paris negotiations , what then ? Does it follow that we are to care no more for matters connected with the army ? We should rather think that the reverse would follow . The lesson— -the one great lesson taught to England by the war is : do not neglect your power by land and sea . Maintain an efficient army , an efficient fleet ; and having this in view , we do not propose to abruptly cease the limited attention our space permits us to devote to subjects vitally touching the great question of the reorganisation of the army . We have , in previous articles , attempted to show that the term soldier need not be the synonym of sot or brigand , and we have endeavoured to inculcate the doctrine that the foundations of our armies should be deeply laid in the institutions of our country , so that the manhood of the nation may be always ready to resist a foreign foe , and ready likewise to defend society against any faction . We have shown what a noble educational field is open to the ruling powers by the embodiment of the Militia , and how the camp may be made a school far more efficacious than the prison , the adult reformatory , or the Mechanics' Institute . But our last remarks applied only to the Militia ; what we are about to say applies to the privates and non-commissioned officers of the regular army . "Why should not the regular army bo regarded as the finest educational institution ia the country ? Why should not tho discipline be calculated , not only to make men oxpert shots , able fighters , steady and prompt in evolution , firm as a rock in tho tempest of battle , superb , unconquerable in physioul strife , what , in fact , our beat regiments now are , but equally firm in the moral tempests of civil life and battle ; adroit , self-helping , tho ( flito of their

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 9, 1856, page 12, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_09021856/page/12/