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    lG56 'it%$ &tk%tt. tSATORt iV,

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    Kossuth's Welcome. The Working Men's Dem...

    Hungary has fairly exhausted every peaceful means of self-preservation ; it is not under the rule of the king , but under the iron oppression of a tyrant , who conquered Hungary by calling in sacrilegiously to Tiis aid the arjnies of the Czar . So Hungary is not under government ^ but under a foreign intruder , who is not King of Hungary , being neither acknowledged by the nation nor Sanctioned by "law . Hungary is , in a wor . d , \ a a state o'f war against the Hapsburg dynasty , Hunfar y can in no other way regain its independence and reedom , but in that way in which it was deprived of itl ) y war—as every nation which is free and independent conquered its deliverance from its oppressors , like Sweden

    Switzerland , Belgium , Spain , Portugal , France , , Norway , Greece , the United States , and England itself—{ cheers )— that is by a revolution , as some would call itby a war of legitimate defence , as I call it . I will ever respect the laws of England , and do nothing here contrary to them ; but so much I can state as a matter of fact , that my nation will never accept and acknowledge the perjured house of Hapsburg to become again lawful sovereigns of Hungary—never will it enter into any transactions whatever with that perjurious family , but will avail itself of every opportunity to shake off its yoke . Secondly , that though the people of Hungary were monarchical for 1000 years , yet the continued perjury of the Hapsburgs during 300 years , the sacrilegious faithlessness by which it destroyed its own historical existence , with the historical

    existence of my nation , as also my country ' s present intolerable oppression , have so entirely plucked out of the heart of my nation every faith , belief , and attachment to monarchy , that there is no power on earth to knit the broken tie again ; and , therefore , Hungary wills and wishes to be a free and independent republic ; but a republic founded on the rule of law , securing social order , security to person and to property , p . nd the moral development as well as the material welfare of the people—( cheers )—in a word , a republic like that of the United States , founded on institutions inh < rited from England itself . This is the conviction of my people , which I share in the very heart of my heart . I confidently hope the people of England will appreciate the justice of these remarks , and the honest convictions of my heart ; and that it will not falter in its attachment to that cause

    which it honoured with its sympathy , which it judged to be righteous and true , and which it consoled by its wishes and hopes . All I entreat is that the people of England may not give a charter to the Czar to dispose of the world ; but rather make ' , by its powerful position , respected the right of every nation to dispose of itself . With this hope I thank you once more for your sympathy . I beg leave , fatigued as 1 am , to retire , confidently trusting your noble-minded feelings cannot have the will to divert this demonstration of your sympathy into any party discussions whatever , in which I consequently could not participate , but which still could not fail to increase the difficulties , and do harm to my country ' s cause , which you honour by your sympathy . "

    The cheering , waving of hats , and clapping of hands were renewed for some moments , and M . Kossuth bowed his thanks all round . Then turning towards the window , he proceeded to the withdrawing-room between the lines of the crowd which filled the large room . After a short delay he drove off as he came , and was greatly cheered on his way to the road . The meeting began to disperse very rapidly , and in good order , about four o ' clock , but many of them were glad to avail themselves of the creature comforts of the tavern after so long an exposure to a very cold and biting wind .

    The day ' s proceedings were wound up by a dinner at Highbury-barn . Mr . Thornton Hunt presided over a company numbering from fcix to seven hundred . Letters apologizing for absence for various reasons were read from Lord Dudley tStuart , W . J . Pox , George Dawson , Joseph Muzzini , and other distinguished friends of the popular cause . The toasts of the evening were spirited and appropriate , and were proposed and spoken to by Gerald Masaey , Louis Blanc , l ) avid Masson , William Coningham , of Brighton , O . J . Holyoake , Arinaud ( xoeg , Bronterre O'Brien , & c . The demonstration was completely successful .

    KOHHUTH AND THE Kill 1 CN I ) S Ol' ITALY . A deputation from the Friends of Italy , consisting of the following gentlemen , waited on Konsuth , at 80 , liaton-place , on Wednesday , to present an address from tlie society to him . Messrs . 1 \ A . Taylor , chairman of committee ; David Ma . sson , secretary of the Hociety ; the Itcvcrcnd George Armstrong , ol Bristol ; W . JI . Ashurnt , Jun . ; John Baiiibridge , W . D . Uruce , W . A . Case , C 1 ) . Collet , J . Corss , William Coninghum , of llrigliton ; Frank ( Jrossley , ol

    Halifax ; John Davis , Frank Dillon , T . Donntty , Dr . Jftpps , Charles Furtado , the Reverend Dr . Giles , ol Hampton ; S . M . Hawkes , T . K . ilervey , G . J . Ilolyoake , George Hooper , Thornton Hunt , Henry Ferson , A . M . ; Dr . Lankester , Tteverend J . JL \ MalleKon , U . A ., of Brighton ; M . K Maraden , 11 F . Smythe 1 'igott , T . J . . Serle , William Shuen , John Saundcrs , William Simpson , James Stansfeld , W . Strudwicke , Lord Dudley C . Stuart , Peter Stuart , of Liverpool ; libonijzor Syme , H . Taylor , YV \ Taylor , N . Truvers , J . WatsonK . T . Weller , Thomas Wilson .

    . Mr . 1 * . A . Taylor , before reading the address of the society , made a speech of some length , entering fully into the principles of the Society of the Friends of Italy , principled which an ; well known to our readers , and reverently alluding to Joseph Mazziia ua the man who resumed Italy in himself , who represented Tier fiiiW in . convictions and aims . Ho pointed out

    how completely identical were the causes of Italy and Hungary , not only in their relation to Austria , but in the fact that the Chief Man of both countries was an exile . One passage in the address of Mr . Taylor is ¦ worth , preserving : — " They agreed with him in the justice , rightly understood , of that much-abused term—npn-interveniipn . They Recognize , no right in one nation to interfere in the domestic concerns , of another . In fapt , the very statement of their principles , of the right of every nation to independent development , precluded at once the jdea of intervention . It was true , as he ( M . Kossuth ) had . lately said , that liberty might exist under many forms of

    government . It might even be that liberty was best attained by one form of government in one country , and by another form in another . But be this as it might , that liberty could hardly be worth having which should be the mere result of foreign interference . ( Hear , hear . ) But what became of the principle of nonintervention when it was made merely the excuse for non-interference with the intervention of another foreign state—an intervention made in the interests of tyranny and wrong ? It became but a wicked and sordid conspiracy of the strong against the weak at the bidding either of sordid interest or of a dastardly and feeble policy . Such was not their reading of the term non-intervention . They were the advocates of peace ; all Englishmen value it most highly .

    A whole generation of them had been born since the peace of thirty-six years which England had enjoyed . By that peace they had largely benefited . Under its influence England had grown as well in external power as in internal wealth—a wealth not aggregated in rnasses by our aristocratic and middle classes only , butlarg ' ely spreading its blessings—moral , intellectual , and physical—over the great masses of the labouring community . They would not willingly peril these blessings . They knew that a war , however righteous , might inflict suffering on whole masses of their fellow-countrymen ; they knew that a war , however pure and noble in its origin , must carry with it some seeds of demoralisation and retrogression . They knew that it might throw back their own reforms , and for so long retard a progress which , without presumption , they might

    term European . England , therefore , never can contemplate a war but at the bidding of stern material necessity , or , what Englishmen were not yet sunk so low as not to value still more highly , at the call of national duty or national honour . They were not , however , so blind as not to perceive the utter difference of his position . They were not of those who thought that they serve the cause of peace by crying ' Peace , peace ! ' when there was no peace . They did not term that peace which was but the desolation which the tyrant made , and called it order . It might be that they deemed themselves the truest worshippers of the goddess of peace who hold her benignant sway can permanently be fixed upon bases no less everlasting arid noble than those of truth , justice , and liberty . "

    After concluding his prefatory remarks , Mr . Taylor read the following address of " THE SOCIETY OP THE FKIEND 3 OF ITALY TO LOUIS KOSSUTir . " Sir , —As members of the Society of the Friends of Italy , we desire to add our voice to the many which , in this country , have greeted your deliverance from captivity , and your restoration to a life of freedom and action . " The intelligence of your release has been received with rage and consternation in the camp of the enemies of European liberty .

    " It brings new hope and confidence to oppressed nations now preparing for the . struggle which must precede their emancipation . They hail in you a man in whom the will of a whole nation is embodied ; a leader whom an overwhelming preponderance of organized military force could not dismay ; a patriot who now retinters the field of European action With the distinct purpose of regaining the liberty and independence of his country . They feel that , in seeking to accomplish thin object , you necesnarily bring into the common cause the power of the Hungarian people , as organized and directed by yOur own genius and energy .

    " The society of which we are members has been founded to promote , by such means as are open and legitimate , within the limits of our own countiy the cause of the national independence and liberty of the Italian people . We regard the cau « e of Italy and that of Hungary as in reality identical . Both countries make the Maine simple and rightful claim to free national existence ; both have to contend with the same hostile power ; both alike have been repressed for ft time by the lawless intervention of foreign force . Your own Hiuiguri . m soldiers are now encamped in Italy ; Italian noldiera are on the banks of the Danube—both under the fla ^ of a Common oppressor . The Hirriultaneoun action of both countries is necessary for the triumph of liberty in either .

    " In you , Sir , we recognize the impersonation of the cause of Hungary . And we are enabled the more vividly to realize the identity of thin cause with that of Italy by the fuet , that we have already in the midHt of un , driven hither by cauHCH similar to thoac which have made you an exile , an Italian patriot , who lian concentrated largely on himself the confidence and affection of the Italian people , and who commands our admiration by the geniitH , . ho purity of purpose , the devotion , and the humanity which he haw ever shown in his country'h nervier , and which were preeminently displayed in the heroic defence of Rome .

    " Ah there in no other European cause ranking more o . loHcly in the KngliHii mind with the cuum ; of Hungary , in r * mpect ' of itH himplieity and jutUioe than the cause of the Italian people , ho there in no other European name which you will find in <» ie closely linked with your own , whether in the general heart of the English people , or in the oxprenn appreciation of Englishmen of high intelligence , than , tho name of Joaeph Mazzsiui .

    " IVe hail your liberation , therefore , not oiuVf ~ " sake of justice and humanity , which have beenLt the in your person ; not only for the sake of HunVi 8 ed whose service , you have , dedicated your life h to because we long earnestly for the emanci pation of T ^ i whose fortunes are indissolubly connected with th ' the . land you labour for , and because we are interes ? ?' - * that ; coramon cause of liberty and national indent m which demands the closest alliance of all patriot i oppressed peoples . Signed for the Society , a 11 ' , ' P . A . Taylor , Chairman of Commits " . David Masson , Secretary . mimtt ee . " Offices of the Society of the Friends of ffai 1 n Southampton-street , Strand , London , November V

    M . Kbssuth addressed the deputation , in afV , ™ -iand confidential tone at some length . He admlt ^ an identity of views between himself and the sop which he said placed him in a situation rather favo ' able with respect to his answer . The first sub t tial point he made was in reference to public orin aU Public opinion was not an end , but only thp i » to an end . To be effectual , it must be prepared *? carry itself out by active practical measures - ai 1 those against whom it is directed must be made t feel that it would carry itself out and not stop shorf at barren expressions . And if the people of England suffered it to be known that they never intended t go further than expression , then their public opinion would have no weight at all .

    " When the sentiments of a people take for their aim the principle of non-intervention , it should not be uni lateral non intervention , which would mean thatEno ] and would interfere in no case . That would be to abandon her position in the face of the world . ( Cheers . ) If , whatever may be done with respect to other nations , England is to wtigh nothing in the destinies of humanity , then England may be a happy island as it is ; but it would cease to be a member of the human famil y—cease to be the brother , of other nations . In short , it would not realize the idea , which is the chief principle and foundation of the Christian religion , that , having one Father in heaven , that very doctrine declares us to be

    brothersand that brothers have a duty to one another ( Lund cheers ) * . * * * * * I wish public opinion to take sucha direction as that ever ^ nation , as well as all despotic powers , should be sure of this—that when public opinion in England declares itself willing to side with the principles of freedom , those inclinations and those declarations of public opinion will be more than mere signs ; they will come to realities , with war or without war , as circumstances may require . ( Hear , hear . ) In short , that it will be a more active participation in the destinies of mankind , and not merely the passing emotion of noble hearts ; not such compassion as we give to the memory of the dead , whom we cannot help , cannot restore to life , but that tho

    public opinion of England , declaring the sovereign right of every nation to manage its own affairs , will be enforced with all the weight of its moral power and its material power . ( Hear , Hear . ) It is not necessary to discuss what power I mean ; but it is to be hoped that , according to circumstances , England will be as & ood as the word of an Englishman , and become the England of deed and of action as well as the England of sentiment . ( Cheers . ) I am firmly persuaded that if you declare it to be the intention of the people of England to come to a practical result , in each case I am firmly persuaded that to tarry out your principle will not cost England one drop of blood or one shilling of money . ( Hear , htar . ) Why ? Because every absolute power upon the earth will consider the material forces of England , and will pause

    before he runs the risk of encountering them . ( Hear , hear . ) But if you say that in no case you will go to war , that will be the surest mod * of provoking war ; because the absolutist powers will consider that they have il free charter to dispose of the /' ate of nations , and l must fairly state my belief is , that in that case ¦ the concessions of Europe would come home to 1 minland , and that the material interests of England herself would be hurt ; because to injure England | l is not necessary that the Cossacks should water tneir 8 t in

    homes in the Thames . There are many > nU' « ' » India , in the colonies , and all over tho world , that my be injured . There are so many arteries that Icedi i ^ power of England ; and if one of them were cut , inland would be no longer what it is . ( M ' > IU \ - ' Therefore , I believe that , should England d « cla « - « intention in no case to speak the word ' slop , »»«» ; intention of keeping her word , in a very s « ' ; England would be obliged to go to war for tlu \ 'I ^ of upholding her own interests ; because it i » noi ¦ that for long , in dilferent partR of the world . Jit principled of absolutism and freedom can go on inpai

    directions , but the contrary . ' it With respect to Italy and Maz / . ini , he said w m he had said before , that Italy and Hungary we" - » wings of one army arranged against one one 'j J was a happy thing for a nation to have r I > ¦ tutive in one man . That was the case , vainly "l with respect to himself mid Hungary : — « Now , suppoHing eventH to go on with ^* ™ ¦ t | lC I consider it rather a favourable circumsta ^^ cauHe of Hungary that my poor peop » ' , „„„ ; centred their hopes and Ahhuv * t und > tiilll and having beard , not by urn at , r m () f not from Italiaim . or from P" * 1 ''" 1 * ' iw ! | i ifV «» uH Mazzini , beeunne 1 consider it would bo aj ; "" J „; , !* nH it would be dangercm * to rent < J h .,, K < , of information , and , therefore , 1 tried to ¦ & KJ fjfOlU the situation of Italy , not only f ™'" '' KJS ^ I , >!" HouroeH which I cOnHidi-rod ^ " ^ ^ we , it »« ( friend * not enemies ortho >«»" , I *" "' £ " ^ n owledg * ^ the duty to get every information and exact Kn »"

    Lg56 'It%$ &Tk%Tt. Tsatort Iv,

    lG 56 'it %$ & tk % tt . tSATORt iV ,

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 8, 1851, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_08111851/page/4/