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    Nov. 8, 1851.] a; ft* Hinde r* 1055

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    Kossuth's Welcome. The Working Men's Dem...

    of civiliz ation , of our progress in the peacefu fs and of the free development of man ' s noblest f rulties Now , these are noble sentiments told in noble words . I thank you that you have ex-Irpssed so nobly what I feel so warmly . It is v heartfelt creed . You say that in the brotherhood of PODle is the certainty of success of resisting the encroachments of despotic power . Truly , it is so ; take the interference of Russia in Hungary , of the French Government in Rome , of Austria in Eomagna and Schleswig- Holstein , and of Austria and Russia in Hesse ? assel which made only the most loyal , the most moderate , the most lawful opposition to the absolutist encroachment s of its petty tyrant , and yet was crushed bv Austro-Russian arms—take all this together , and the

    ** J . m , 1 * . . 4 . 1 * . _ . ^ Ainvx * -fc ti a mo o ro loo nriiA / 4 nrynincf fV \ o fact is clear that the despotisms are leagued against the freedom of the world , so that there is no hope against them but m the brotherhood of people headed and protected by England and the United States of America , by uniting in the principle of acknowledgment of the natural rights of every nation to dispose of itself , and uniting in the principle not to admit any interference of whatever foreign Power in the domestic concerns of whatever nation against its ' own will . ( Loud cheers . ) By taking such a view of the brotherhood of people you are the interpreters of my most warm desires , and by assuring me to hope and to be resolved for the future , that Russian intervention in the domestic concerns of whatever country shall by England not be permitted more ( Loud cheers . ) By this you have anticipated

    all that I , in my humble quality of a representative of the principles of freedom , in the name of my country , and in the interests of all oppressed nations , have again and again entreated from the people of England since I have been here . And here I meet again another noble idea of your address , where you say that the name of my country is linked in your prayers and in your hopes with the name of other nations . Bless you for that word ! You ennoble my name and my country's by it . Yet you speak truth . The very moment that Russia first interfered in Hungary our struggles jjrew to an European height ; we struggled no more for our own freedom , our own indpeendence , but altogether for the freedom and independence of the European

    continent . Our cause became the cause of mankind . My nation became the martyr of the cause of European freedom in the past ; of other nations it will be the faithful champion of that freedom for the future . I , for my own humble part , whom my people and the public opinion of the world took for the personification of my people ' s sentiments , I know where my place is . I know what duties are entailed upon me . I shall insure the sympathies of England by my devotion to my country ' s European cause . England will find me faithful to that place and to those duties which my people ' s confidence having assigned to me , foreign violence could hinder me from exercising , but whose legitimate character no violence could destroy . Let me also hope that , while Hungary

    and I are aware of the solidarity of our cause with the cause of European freedom and independence , and while Hungary is resolved to stand manfully in its place , the other nations , and England itself , will not forget that the freedom and independence of Hungary are indispensable to the independence of Europe against Russian encroachment and preponderance , and so neither the other European nations nor England will allow Russia again to interfere in order to uphold that detested House of Hapsburg , with which , eternally alienated , Hungary will never , through time , have any transaction , unless to ban it , expulse it , or to hurl it in the dust . { Loud cheers . ) Among the nations linked to my country in your hopes and prayers your address

    especially names France , Poland , Germany , and Italy . To be sure there are eome of those events which may be scented already in the air . As to France , my sentiments are known—I have declared them openly . ( Loud cheers . ) I will be true to those sentiments ; and can only add that it is a highly important step in mankind ' s destiny to see brotherly love between nations so substituted for the unhappy rivalries of old as to elicit in England also such brotherly welcome to the French as was seen at the late Great Exhibition , and to elicit such sentiments in England . And so certainly it should ever be . The French nation is great enough for the pulsation of its heart to bo , and to have been always , felt over the greatest , pait of the European continent . Till now it is true that the which

    expectations have never been realized Europe s oppressed nations had in France , but it must be remembered that the French nation has fallen short in the realization of its own domestic hopes also . It would , therefore , be unjust to make a reproach of that which was a misfortune , which they themselves deplore most deeply . I attribute their mischance to the unfortunutc propensity to centralization which the French nation during all its trials conserved—centralization , which leads ever to the oppression of liberty—centralization , with which the guarantees of liberty rest rather upon personalities than upon principles . And when an omnipotence of power in centred , be it in one man or in one assembly , that man must be a WashiiiBton , or that assembly be composed of Washini'toMH , not to become ambitious , and ,

    through ambition , dangerous to liberty . Now , Washingtons are not bo thickly sown as to be gathered up everywhere for the reaping . ( Hear , hear . ) I would , however , Holeiunly protest , Hhould whatever nation attempt to meddle in the domestic concerns of my fatherland ; no , of course , I cannot have the arrogant pretension of mixing with the domestic concerns of whatever other nation , and , leant of all , of the great French nation , which is powerful enou g h to come at laHt triumphantly out of its trials and sufferings . I have only the warm wish and "ope thut the glorious French tuition will soon succeed » 'i mukiug that which is now but n numo , the Republic ( yrcut cheering ) , a reality , and will succeed soon to achieve that work so us to see upon the bnsis of common liberty catubliahcd the contentment of the . peop le , und , secured by thut contentment , ' a laating social order ,

    which cannot fail to be secured when it is founded upon liberty , but which , without liberty , is impossible ; and , secondly , I hope that the great French nation , in case it realizes the name which it bears , will not forget that it is to her , to England , and to the United States , to check the encroaching spirit of absolutism wherever it should dare to threaten the independence of nations and their right to dispose of themselves . That is what oppressed humanity expects from the French Republic , as well as from England and the United States . As for Poland ,

    that sad martyr to the most sacrilegious of ambitions , it is enough to say that Poland and Hungary are neighbours and have a common enemy . ( Hear , hear . ) [ Here a considerable secession from the meeting , which had , indeed , been dwindling away from the outskirts for some time before , took place in favour of a game at football , which was pursued with great relish by some hundreds of persons . ] Though it is utterly false to call our past struggles a Polish conspiracy , still * I can own loudly , in the name of my country , that there is no people on the parth which rnnld feel more interested in the future of

    Poland than the Magyars . We feel also highly gratified to see ourselves united in your prayers and hopes with Germany . We are kindred in sufferings , united in hopes , united in your sympathies . Germany and Hungary must feel united in aim and in design . Now , as to Italy—Italy , in so many respects dear to my heart—I will not dwell upon its terrible woes ; they are known and appreciated through the world , and elicited even in those quarters where it was least expected , the strongest indignation of generous men , proving that questions of humanity can in England be no party question . [ Cheers . ) I will not dwell upon the horrors of Naples , out of which even your Government publicly foretold that a revolution must arise . I will not dwell upon the scaffold which Radetzky reared 3742 times in three short years in Lombardy . ( 'Groans ; ' after w 7 iich a copy of the Times teas burnt . ) I will not dwell upon the just hatred of Venice , nor upon the intolerable humiliation and namek-Es sufferings of

    Rome . I will only say that it is not even possible to imagine a stronger identity of interests between two nations than that existing between Hungary and Italy . The freedom and independence of these two nations have the same enemies . They are like two wings of a single army ranged against one enemy ; the victory of one wing is a victory to the other , the defeat of one a misfortune to the other . One cannot become independent and fiee without the other also becoming so , else there would be no security to their freedom and independence . So it is not even possible to imagine a stronger link of brotherhood than that which between the two nations needs must exist . ' I confidently believe that this imperious necessity must be equally felt on both sides , and that both nations

    must be penetrated by the conviction of it as strongly as myself—the more because there is a happy incident which must further strengthen the harmony , hopes , feelings , and wishes between Hungary and Italy . I will tell it to you . There are new doctrines agitated in certain countries , which , by what right it is not mine to investigate , are considered by many to be incompatible with social order and with the principle of security of property . Now , Hungary has , and will have , with these doctrines nothing to do , for the most simple and more decisive reason , because in Hungary there is no occasion , there is not the slightest opportunity for them . We have not the disease , so we want no medical speculations about the remedy . We want freedom and independence , and

    we will be rescued from the evil—the Austrian dynasty . But we want no theoretical speculations about propertywe want them as little as the citizens of the United States , whose institutions we wish to have established in our country , with the difference that Hungary is , and will not be divided in states , but will be one country , composed of free municipalities . And I am confidently assured that all this is the very case also with Italy . Italy has also no occasion to share those doctrines , therefore , neither its people nor its popular leaders have whatever to do with them ; and I am , therefore , glad by my own feelings to know that this happy coincidence of circumstances can only strengthen the harmony , brotherly love , and union which between these two nations must exist , in

    consequence of the identity of their interests . So , in response to your wishes , hopes , and sympathies , I will only say that my restoration to personal freedom I value chiefly on account of seeing myself restored to activity and to my country ' s service . 1 have the full conviction of my country ' s freedom and independence being intimately identified with the freedom and independence of Europe , and even with uome very important interests of England itself . Resolutely I accept in my position all duties as well as all dangers of this persuasion ; and my country , as well us all oilier peoples who shiu e this identity , will always find me faithful to them . I wish only to see them having some confidence not only in my frankness but also to my mind , which , though feeble in faculties , will

    for ever conserve the merit of unwavering consistency and of disinterested rr . signat . ioii . ( Cheers ) I unite with you unchangeably in the fraternal sentiments which you express in this , your address , towards Turkey , and I decidedly declare that L never will join any combination , however promising , which might , do that country injury . 1 will rather pioinotc it . s interests , fully aware that Turkey is not in contradiction with the interests of Kurope , as the (' zar and the llapsburgs are , but rather in several respects necessary to Kurope , and chit fly to Kiif < l . md and to Hungary . Turkey is a

    neighbouring country to my fatherland . We have enemies enough . I am no impractical theorist , to make of a neighbour a new enemy , instead of respecting his interests ; but would have him , if not uu ally , at least , a friend for his own interest *!} sake . As to the glorious Republic of the United States , which ban thrown its protecting fUg around me , let me hope that the common sympathy which theae two kindred nations , England and the United States , bear to the catise of my country and to myself , will be the first link of a closer union of the [ lolitica of the two countries in , renucot to Europe , which

    union , convenient as it is to both your great , glorious , and free countries , would make a happy turning point in the destinies of humanity . I should not have lived in , vain should I have lived to be the opportunity of such a consummation . And here I would not , were" it not my duty to reflect upon certain circumstances which I consider so extraordinary as to feel obliged to avail myself of this first opportunity which offers itse-lf to meet openly . The circumstance is , that I considered , and consider it still , to be my duty not to mix with any great party question of England , or of any other country . I wish the non-admission of . foreign intervention in my own country , so I must have clean hands myself in respect to other countries . That is my position , to which

    I will conscientiously adhere . I consider , therefore , that my duty , as well as the respect to your law , honesty as well as prudence , oblige me not to play here the passionate part of an agitator , not to coquet with the reputation of being a revolutionist . ( Hear . ) In fact , I came hither not to get this reputation , but rather I declare my conviction to be that England wants no revolution at all —( a few cries of ' hear , hear , ' )—because , first , it wishes but a progressive development , and , secondly , because England has sufficient political freedom to be insured that whatever England may still need it will not only carry out , but will carry it out peaceably . Now ,

    this being my duty and my resolution , I act consistently —my ground was , is , and will be in England , this ; such and such are the true facts of the past struggles of Hungary . These facts , I confidentlj hope , are certain to secure the generous sentiments of England to my country ' s cause . I stated that , in my opinion , the form of government can be different in different countries , according to their circumstances , their wishes , and their wants . England loves her Queen , and has full motive to do so ; England feels great , glorious , and free , and has full motive to feel so ; but England being a monarchy that can be no sufficient reason to her to hate and

    discredit republican forms of government in other countries differing in circumstances , in wishes , and in wants . On the contrary , the United States of America , being likewise a great , glorious , and free country , under republican government , the circumstance of being Republicans cannot give them sufficient motive to hate and discredit monarchical government in England . This must be entirely left to the right of every nation to dispose of its domestic concerns . Therefore , all I claim for my country , also , is , that England , seeing out of our past that our cause is just , should acknowledge the sovereign right of every nation to dispose of itself , and , by acknowledging this , England should not interfere , but also not allow any Power whatever to inter fere with the domestic matters of my country , or of whatever other nation . The rest should be left to the

    respective nations themselves , the mote because it is worthy of that independence for which we struggled . I , therefore , thought that this was not the place for me to speak about the future organization and form of government of my country , because that is a home question of ours , with which nobody ought to interfere . ( Loud cheers . ) But my behaviour was not everywhere appreciated as I hoped . I met rather in certain quarters the remarks that I am slippery , and evade the question . Now , on the sense of sincerity I am particularly susceptible . I have the sentiment of being a plain , honest man , and I would not be charged with having entered by stealth into the sympathies of England without displaying my true colours . ( Loud cheers . ) Therefore , I must state clearly

    that in our past struggle we made no revolutions . ( Hear , hear . ) We be ^ an to transform in a peaceful , legislative manner , the monarchico-aristocratieal constitution of Hungary into a monarchico-democratical constitution ; we conserved our municipal institutions as our most valuable treasure , but f ^ ave them , as well as to the legislative power , for basis , the common liberty of the people ; instead of the class privileges of old we established the personal responsibility of Ministers ; instead of the Board of Council of old , which being a nominal body , was of course a mockery , to that responsibility of the Executive , which was our chartered light on paper , but not in reality . However , we hut conserved that which was due to us by constitution , by treaties , by

    the coronation oath of every king , to be governed as a self-consistent , independent country , by our own native institutions , according to our laws . We established the freedom of thought , of the word and pen , and secured the freedom of conscience . We introduced , with the abolition of exemptions , equality in duties and rights before the law . We obliged all to contribute to the public necessity , every man according to his faculties ; we emancipated the peasants , or rather gave them the land they tilled to he their free property . We made the noil free , the labourer free , the industry free , trade free ; but we . spared all existing material interests of every class , and resolved full indemnification for every material loss . We established trial by jury , provided for independent administration of justice , eared for cheap government , and took care that the national army should not become

    a tool of ambition amon <{ ourselves or an instrument of oppression against foreign nations . All this wt * iluipeacefully by careful legislation , which the king sanctioned and swore to maintain . 15 ut this very dynasty , in the most perjurious manner , attacked these laws , this freedom , thi . s constitution , and ~ our national existence bynrm . s . (( ' / teeis . ) We defended ourselves by arms victoriously ; and , after the perjurious dynasty called in the armies of Russia to beat us ' down , we resolved to d < -fen « l ourselves against this tyrannical invader also , mit , of course , declared the perjurious llapsburgs not to be more , our sovereigns ; deposed them ; banished them ; and declared ourselves a free and independent nation , but fixed no definite form of government—neither Monarchical nor Republican- - declaring ourselves rather to lie willing to follow the . advice of tli <> liuropean circumstances . These are facts which cannot 1 »« ultercd , because they are facts . IJy this you see that in the past we made no resolution at all an , o the future . Every just mun munt acknowledge that

    Nov. 8, 1851.] A; Ft* Hinde R* 1055

    Nov . 8 , 1851 . ] a ; ft * Hinde r * 1055

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 8, 1851, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_08111851/page/3/