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130 ®#* ¦ ¦ ¦;&* ' g»gfe- tSwvm>AY 3
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^ MfmUr ^
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SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 1852.
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iSnttk Ifffe.
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There is nothing so revolutionary, becau...
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DOWNING-STREET AND ENGLAND. The debate o...
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, "WE, JOHN BIRD, ARCHBISHOP," &c. Dmris...
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INCREASE TO THE LAND FORCES. There is to...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
130 ®#* ¦ ¦ ¦;&* ' G»Gfe- Tswvm>Ay 3
130 ® # * ¦ ¦ ¦;&* ' g » gfe- tSwvm > AY 3
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Saturday, February 7, 1852.
SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 7 , 1852 .
Isnttk Ifffe.
iSnttk Ifffe .
There Is Nothing So Revolutionary, Becau...
There is nothing so revolutionary , because there xa nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law oi its creation in eternal progress . —Dk . Arnold .
Downing-Street And England. The Debate O...
DOWNING-STREET AND ENGLAND . The debate of Tuesday evening in both Houses of Parliament did more to define the actual position of the official and ex-official caste towards the nation than anything which has occurred for a quarter of a century at least ; and we have to thank both Ministers and ex-Ministers , Ministers effete , and Ministers in embryo , for helping to corroborate an assertion which we have made more than once , and which is most important to be understood by the people of this country and our friends abroad . The first striking fact is the diatribe of Lord Derby against the newspaper press for its almost
unanimous expression of opinion on Louis Napoleon s coup d ' etat . The Premier elect declared his satisfaction that the expressions of opinion in both Houses might remove the unfavourable impression created " on the public mind of France" by " the unjustifiable censures of the public press " in this country . A peculiar use of the word " statesman " showed that he spoke especially at the Times . Earl Grey declared that " the same sentiment was echoed by every one of their lordships , " and had the full concurrence of his colleagues in that repudiation "; and he " trusted that that , assurance would neutralize the incalculable evil that might have
resulted from the language held by a great part of the newspaper press of this country . " Lord Grey , indeed , went so far as to assert that , " however those newspapers might express the opinions and feelings of those who write in them , they did not express the opinions or feelings of any great or powerful party in this country , or in the Houses of Parliament . " Lord John Russell , in that ingenuous vein which is peculiar to him , with a mental reservation at the back of it , was " bound to say that the President of France , having ail the means of information he has had , no doubt has taken that course from a consideration of the state of France , and that the course he has taken is best fitted to
insure the welfare of the country over which he rules . " Being laughed at , Lord John asked leave " to say t"hat over again "; his syntax rising with the occasion . " While I do not concur in the approbation of my noble friend , I have no reason to doubt , and everything I have heard confirms that opinion , that in the opinion of the President the putting an end to the constitution , the anticipating the election of 1852 , and the abolition of the parliamentary constitution , were all tending to the happiness and essential to the welfare of France . But I have certainly to state further , because I confess I have seen , with very great regret , the language which has been used by a portion of the press of this country with respect to the Pre-Bidcnt of France . "
So here are Lord Derby , Lord Grey , and Lord John Russell—the two chiefs of the party "in power , " and the chief of the party that expect to be in power—disavowing the censure of the press , and declaring that the opinion of England is the opposite of that expressed by the Times and the other journals ! The assertion not only convinces us how wide ia the difference between the national England and the official " England" which resides in Downing-atreet , but also shows how totally ignorant that official world is of the world
which" it in set to govern , The acting Premier aftervvards went on to nay : — "' " 'Xho First Consul , great as wero his abilities , waa totally ignorant of the mannors and constitution of this country . The present President of Franco hns this advantage over his uncle , that ho is perfectly aware how much liberty we onjoy , how much license of discussion prevails , and that the most unmeasured invective of the press does wot imply any feeling of hostility either on the part of tho Government or on the part of tho nation . "
Did Louis Napoleon then really learn " manners " here ? Did ho learn the " constitution" in tho school of Russell , who gives a certificate of good
conduct to ' / tin pupil ? Liberties he may have taken licence he may have learned—but where ? Does ' Lord John know the schools in which such accomplishments are learned ? The careful repudiation of the popular feeling iromthe denizens of'Downing-street is accompanied by rin argument to induce us to hush up the question here : — " It is more than imprudent , " says Lord Derby , "itis more than injudicious , it is more than follyj-it isperfectmadness—at one andthe same time to profess a belief in the hostile intentions of a foreign country ,
and to parade before them the supposed inability this country to defend itself ; to magnify the resources of your supposed assailant , and to point out how easy would be the invasion , if not the subjugation of this country ( though , thank God , the most violent have not yet spoken of subjugation ) ; but to speak of that invasion , accompanying it with , details of the fearful amount of horror and bloodshed which , under any circumstances , must attend it , and then , in the same breath , to assail with every term of obloquy , of vituperation , and abuse , the public and private character of the man who wields that force which you say is
irresistible . ' Grey , Russell , their colleagues and coadjutors , concur : " Do not say we are defenceless , " they cry ; " we may be attacked ; do not speak so loud , or you may make the French angry ; above all do not attack Louis Napoleon , or he will come "—such is the official rebuke to the people of England . How far does that craven exhortation fit the humour of the English ? Judge by the public facts—everywhere a cheerful , a hearty resort , to preparations for
the national defence ; but no 'bated breath , no hushing up , no mincing language about the spurious usurper . Downing-street may stand in awe of Louis Napoleon ; but Downing-street , we say , does not in any respect represent the feelings-of the English people—Downing-street is the very opposite of the English people . In a word , Downing-street sympathizes with the _ clique that swarms in the chambers of the Elysee and buzzes round the Prince President in the Palace of the Tuileries ; and so
sympathizing , it is impossible that the officials can share the feelings of the English people or understand them . England , we have declared , is not Downing-street ; Downing-street , proclaim the official and ex-official gentlemen , is not Englandit is quite alien from England—it does not know anything about the sentiments of England . But there is more . Lord Palmerston ' dismissal followed a direct requirement from the Crown , putting him as a Minister under greater restraint than he had before undergone ; and Lord John undertook to be the instrument of his dismissal .
The same Lord John , deprecating the attacks on the Prince President , favourably contrasts the " advantages" which Louis Napoleon possesses with his uncle ' s position , and all but vouches for the " nephew ' s" pacific intentions towards this country . The principal " advantages " which Louis Napoleon possesses , are alliances by blood or marriage with the royal houses of Bavaria , Austria , Russia , and others of less note ; he is now a connection of the " royal" classes , and much more entitled to consideration than a mere lieutenant of artillery , or even a revolutionary general . He can even trace a connection with the royal family of England . It is evident that Lord John Russell , who deprecates attacks on this midnight imperial burglar , is acting with high sanction .
There ia indeed one reason which the official class might allege for its delusion as to the state of feeling in this country—that it has at least the passive sufferance of the English people . Yes , the English people cannot deny that it does permit aliens like those of Downing-street to govern it , to legislate for it , to represent it before the nations . But we do not believe that any amount of apathy can induce the people to protract that sufferance after such exhibitions as those of Tuesday night . We have therefore made a step—the official class has declared itself—it is divorced from England—it is not English .
, "We, John Bird, Archbishop," &C. Dmris...
, "WE , JOHN BIRD , ARCHBISHOP , " & c . DmrisAT is not always failure , neither is victory always success . An enemy constantly advancing , constantly repulsed , ' and us constantly entrenching himself on the small space of ground he has acquired , will one day bo able to overcome any antagonist who only acts on the defensive and dares not pursue his ug-gressivo foe . Such is tho position of that faithful party in tho Church of England who have inscribed on their banner synodical action , freedom for development , and honesty above all things . *
hands the good things their temporal master provided for them . They so loved the world that they sold their birthright for a mess of pottage . From this disgraceful state of acquiescence in their own spiritual degradation a band of Churchmen have at length awakened , and are steadily making inroads upon the usurpation of the temporal power . With quiet daring and unflinching purpose they are working night and day ; and . year by year , month by month , in these latter days , the contest has been , and is , narrowing to a decisive issue , when either the State must restore to the
It is now more than one hundred and thirty years since Convocation was suppressed by a ** coup d ' etat" in the reign of George I . j and since that time , chained to the chariot of the State ; gagged and manacled , the Church has had no official collective voice in the management of its own affairs . This is the sharp censure which history inflicts upon the Churchmen of the past ; that they had not the courage or the honesty to struggle for their own emancipation with zealous activity , neither giving nor receiving quarter . They did not do this ; they slumbered in their chains , and took with ease *
Church her rights suppressed in 1717 , or the Church must secede from the State and conquer her independence for herself . This issue is inevitable . The tragic farce enacted in the Jerusalem Chamber on Wednesday cannot be repeated many times without fatal results . We say tragic ; it was tragic—for did not that assembly , under the presidence of John Bird , D . D ., Archbishop of Canterbury , solemnly invoke the presence and assistance of the " Holy Spirit" at their labours in behalf of the Church ? And did not the same " John Bird , by divine providence , Archbishop of Canterbury , Primate of all England , and
Metropolitan , " rise up only two hours later and prorogue the assembly which he had so solemnly opened ; and was not this turning a serious matter into a farce ? Farce ? It was worse , it was what the address of the Lower House styled hV—mockery "We , John Bird" prayed _ most seriously for the assistance of one of the sacred persons in that Trinity in which he believes , and then appealed to his colleagues to forbear pressing the demand for a free convocation on the Crown , as he thought no good could accrue—from what ? " petitioning her Majesty ; as'he felt quite certain thaj ; in the present state of the Church , and its multitudinous divisions , their prayer would never be'granted" I
But something has been gained ; for the defeat was not failure . The Lower House transacted business ; the Upper House transacted business , which "We , John Bird , " Queen ' Ecclesiastical Subaltern , could not wholly prevent . Petitions were presented ; an address was agreed to ; there was all but unanimity in both Houses ; and in the Lower House a committee was appointed to report on the address at the meeting of Convocation , in August . This is more like a victory than a defeat .
One fact strikes us with great force , and let the Church ponder on it : if " We , John Bird , " were a really earnest " Primate of all England , " not mere Queen ' s Whig Mouthpiece , would it bo so easy to prorogue Convocations , or refuse to concede synodical action ? That is the moral of the meeting on Wednesday .
Increase To The Land Forces. There Is To...
INCREASE TO THE LAND FORCES . There is to be an increase to the land forcesthat is the official way of using the popular feeling on the subject of national defence . The people should be active and energetic in its remonstrance against that unwarrantable and slovenly mode of meeting the exigency . Tho increase is announced in an ominous passage of the Queen ' s Speecji . Here it is : — " Where any increase has been made in the estimates of tho present over the past year , such oxplaations wai satisi
n De givon as will , 1 trust , y y « u *» " •< such increase is consistent with a stead ) ' adherence to a pacific policy , and with the dictates of a wise economy . " , ¦ It is only the allusion to a '' pacific policy" which shows how tKo increase is to be of a military or warlike kind ; by a parallel process , we may infer that , tho " oeconomy" is to be of tho . lavish kind in favour in Downing-street ; and by the epithet " wise" that it will bo peculiarly at variance with
, common sense . Tho increase will probably no considerable ; a newspaper report makes it 10 , 000 men in all , added to the infantry , cavalry , and artillery ; Sir Richard Bulkeley says " a few thousand , " which would indicate a few hundreds oi thousands of pounds . More money ! Why , t'i o officials have had fifteen millions a year tot
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 7, 1852, page 14, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_07021852/page/14/
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