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Leader (1850-1860), 6th August 1859, Edition 2 of 2, Page 15

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      The Universal Strike, Why Don't We All S...

      rector and incumbent would distend with spiritual rage . Beadles would clasp their staves m despair ; churchwardens would look aghast ; and asJbi ^ the charity children who attend three full services a day-not to mention the Church Catechism between times —why , their feelings of bitter anguish would be too painful for us to dweU upon . Supposing , again , the whole class of chemists assistants , apothecaries' boys , and Burgeons' apprentices , were toraise the standard of revolt ? What ^ if they were , one and all , to combine against the iniquitous laws of capital ; to mix no more medicinesto pound no more pillsand to dose no more

      , , patients till they were admitted to some equitable share in their employers' profits ? Their case is a hard one enough : worked all day long , and perhaps called up half a dozen times a night , nuxing unsavoury compounds , and attending patients yet more unsavoury , receiving no thanks and little pay , they toil on ceaselessly without even the prospect of distinction . If there was to be a medical strike , possibly fewer of us might die , but those who did die would die in a manner most unsatisfactory , without respectability and without dignity , arriving at the realms of death as a sort of spiritual " parvenues , " without prescriptions or medical

      certificates . What , if by " a consummation , most devoutly to be wished , ' - the whole sub-legal profession , the goodly array of lawyers' clerks and sheriffs' officers , were to strike for less work and higher pay ? Those poor attorneys' clerks especially have cause of complaint enough . They have all sort of dirty work to do ; they haye to execute unrighteous documents , to press needy men , and to run up costs against unsuspecting clients , and yet for all this they have scarcely more than a day-labourer ' s pay . What a blessed prospect it would be if they were all to strike . There would be no more writs , no judgments served , and no executions issued . One could Walk the streets without fear , and look upon

      a bailiff as a man and brother . Whitecross-street would become desolate , and Burdon ' s Hotel a memory of the past . All debts would be paid in full , and debtor and creditor would forgive and forget , and be at peace together . We appeal , too , to the patriotism of our fellow literary men . Why don ' t we all strike together ? Why don't we announce that on and after the first of next month we will write no more articles , invent no more news , and pervert no more reports till justice was done us . Heaven knows , we haye grievances also . To satisfy an ungrateful public , who want their papers early , we have to work all night . Our Sundays are not our own . Subscribers we always wanting niore matter and lower

      prices , so that our contributions grow daily greater in length and less in value . We expect soon to have to pay for periodical writing , instead of receiving payment . In . fact , we are not acquainted with any more ill-used class than our own . If we struck m a body we might obtain redress . No papers would appear , and jf the public did not find they got on very well without them , as some sceptics suggest , we hardly know what might not bo the consequences , Unfortunately , the reason why neither literary men , nor lawyer's' clerks , nor chemists' apprentices , nor starving curates strike for higher wages is painfully obvious . We are all unpleasantly aware of the fact , that if we do not do the work we have to do , there are plenty of others who will do it , if anything , rather cheaper , and , in all probability , rather better . Wo should all have the satisfaction

      of annoying our omploycrs j but we should also have the annoyance of losing our employment ? Half a loaf is better than no broad , so wo all make the best torms we can-r-for ourselves , and got as largo a slice of the . loaf as we pan , as much crumb and as little crust . If our friends , the builders , would take this lesson to heart , and consider why it is that the working educated classes , though often equally hard workoa , and equally underpaid , will themselves never think of striking , it might , in tho long run , bo bettor for thomselvos .

      * ' ' ' . ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ No/489. Lvo. 6, 18...

      * ' ' ' . ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ No / 489 . Lvo . 6 , 1859 . 1 : *«« 1 EADER 915

      Postal Contracts. It Is Now Nearly Six W...

      POSTAL CONTRACTS . It is now nearly six weeks since tenders wore advertised for by the Government for a steam-ship mail service to Australia by Panama , tho distance to bo accomplished , under heavy penalties , within fifty-five day a . Tho © fibred contract was nb once responded to by various parties , and tenders duly Bent in , One of those is understood to have under-

      Postal Contracts. It Is Now Nearly Six W...

      taken to perform the distance regularly within fifty-three days , and for a much less amount than the other tenders , on account of certain advantages and facilities possessed by those who have sent in the tender . It is also understood that they are in a position immediately to carry but the contract . In spite of all this , or , as it would seem , in consequence of this , the Government has adopted the unprecedented course of delaying an answer , almost invariably given within a week , for the period above mentioned ; and it is rumoured now that the official decision awaits the termination of the Committee on Contracts in the House of Commons , at present adjourned until next session .

      Under these circumstances there is deadly neglect of the commercial interests and necessities of the whole empire , and utter disregard of the loss and injury inflicted upon some of those who have responded by their tenders to the Government invitation . In one instance it is stated that shipping property , which cost nearly a million sterling , is lying unemployed in the docks awaiting this decision . It may be as well that the public should be made

      fully aware of the sum required for the imperial grantr , concerning which Mr . Gladstone hesitates , while commerce with Australasia is paralysed and injured , while the mercantile growth of these colo ^ nies is arrested , our best import and export trade , amounting to about £ 5 7 , 000 , 000 annually , contracted and perilled , instead of being encouraged and developed , and opportunities flung away which may never be recovered .

      The amount is about . £ 30 , 000 a-year of imperial outlay for a service to be estimated by millions upon millions . The Colonial Government has voted . £ 50 , 000 a-year for the Panama mail service , and the " present return in the shape of postage is . £ 45 , 000 . The lowest and best tender is stated to be £ 119 ; 000 . At the very period when the Government is thus indefinitely postponing its decision , the Suez route is signalised by an instance of the most grievous delay . The steamer breaks down and the mails are consequently kept back a full month , causing bankruptcy and ruin to several merchants concerned in the Australian trade , and annoyance and confusion to all . This is bad enough , but there is more

      mischief occasioned by this rare exercise of administrative vigour and judgment . The loyalty of these colonies is endangered . Rich men are proud men , and Australia con afford to challenge a different treatment . Moreover the enterprising American will obtain freights lost to England , Trade naturally follows a frequent and punctual postal service . Yet , can it be believed that between this country and colonies bringing us in £ 10 , 000 , 000 a year in gold , besides being the largest trade customers we have , there is actually no regular steam mail postal service at all , and that the slow and condemned steamers of the Peninsular and Oriental service perform tho service as if it lay between England and some crude settlement in an unimportant part

      of tho world . The Panama route is of a degree of importance to this country in every way which can scarcely bo estimated . Tho Admiralty calculations show tho distance , vid Panama and Suez , to bo very trifling . Between London and Melbourne , by Suez and Panama , there is little more than 200 milos in favour of the former . Between London and New Zealand tho distance is considerably shorter by Panama ; but in othor respects the superiority of tho Panama route is unquestionable . Storms and shipwrecks arc avoided , regularity and punctuality can be secured ., Again , in case of an European war , tho steamers would be comparatively safe from attack .

      Lastly , by tho adoption of Milford Hnvon as tho f > oint of departure , not only aro extraordinary coalng facilities ensured , but also considerable inland postal advantages would bo secured . Milford itsojf Invites dovolopmont as a first-class sea-port and harbour of refuge . Here are othor mattors of vast importance in thomselvos awaiting tho slow procoss incubation , or rather tho addling of Parliamentary committees , whllo tho interests of an empire aro saoriflced by neglect , ignorance , and apathy , in a manner which imagination cannot con col vo , and with which tho mind unfortunately becomes convorsant alono through fbet ,

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      Tiated By An Interchange Of Notes. It Is...

      tiated by an interchange of notes . It that the two Cabinets could not come to an understanding as to the extent of the obligations whicl Prussia had to fulfil in this sense , as one of the co-signers of the Treaty of Vienna . It was the opinion of the Cabinet of Berlin , that taking into consideration that Austria had , by her mismanagementj created the difficulties in which she was placed —difficulties resulting not from the treaty of 1815 . of which Prussia was one of the guarantees , but of acts committed subsequent to that period and persisted in , regardless of the remonstrances of Prussia—the Prussian Cabinet could not pretend to guarantee those possessions now , without contradicting the part which Prussia had adopted as a mediating power , to which parfe she intended solely to confine herself in concert with the two great

      isalso evident ? GERMANY . August 3 rd , 1859 . —Two more notes of the correspondence between the Cabinets of Berlin and Vienna upon the affairs of Italy have been published by the Prussian Gazette . These * bearing date , the one 16 th of June , the other 5 th of July , are addressed by Baron Schleinitz , minister of Foreign , Affairs , to the Prussian Ambassador at Vienna . From these notes it appears that it was the stated intention of Prussia to proffer as basis of her mediation the maintenance of the Austrian possessions in Italy , but it likewise appear s that the Prussian Cabinet refused up to the last moment to confirm , as was demanded by the Cabinet of Vienna , this verbal assurance by a formal engagement

      substanneutral powers . , The publication of this diplomatic correspondence which has filled the columns of the journals during the past two weeks and formed the chief topic of discussion , as also the declaration in the English Parliament , has set Prussia right with those of the southern and middle states avIio were inclined to regard her proposal of mediation and resolute refusal to draw the sword for Austria as a betrayal of Germany to the foreigner . Even the Austrian journals , so far as they can or dare utter their true sentiments , consider the conduct of Prussia as

      justified . The agitation for a reform of the federal constitution—we must call the thing Constitution for want of a word that exactly defines it , and more particularly for the summoning of a United Parliament of all the States of the Confederation , is making some head way owing to a pretty powerful impulse given it by a declaration issued by about forty liberal members of the Chamber of Deputies of Hanover , headed by Mr . Von Bennig-sen , an ardent and eloquent defender of the rights of the people , and an unwearied supporter of all measures of progress . Sheuld this agitation , which will rather be encouraged than checked by Prussia , continue , it may exercise a considerable influence upon the future of Germany . I give a translation of this declaration which is now circulating in all parts of Germany , and meets with the hearty adhesion of the vast maiority of the people . A perusal of ifc _ will

      enable your readers to comprehend the aims oi tne liberals , or , as they are sometimes slanderously termed , the democrats of Germany : — " The war between Austria and France has terminated- The public law of Europe , however , has not been thereby secured . The conflicts in Italy , which were the chief causes of the outbreak , are nofc set at rest , but rather more embroiled . 1 he menacing military preponderance of France has boon further increased by the war . The state of Europe is so disordered , that we have before us only a prospect of fresh entanglements and wars , ana , no wss likely , au aggressive war upon Germany an the proximate future . ' ., "To bo able successfully to ftice such perils , Germany requires a powerful elevation ot tho national spirit , and a rapid devolopemont of lier JoUUcoi strength . We alf feel , that tho great ob-JVnoin + « B ,, « i , nn elevation and development is Uic

      prosontrconstitution of tho Go / man BwyL uns szaxisfflB 7 stts ® $ sBi b ^ e ^ veSX ^ r SgS S-SSS « sf 5 ifi eluded has brought tho conviction homo to us tliat this federal constitution offers no security by prompt and Sited action against dangers from ab ° Tho demand for a more united bond of concentration for Germany , in which the representatives of tho people will bo included and have a share hi . the dbraotion of its fortunes muufc over , therefore , become louder . Nothing loss than a firm concentration of its military and political power , combined with a United Gorman Parliament , wlU satisfy tua

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 6, 1859, page 15, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_06081859/page/15/