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Leader (1850-1860), 4th October 1856, Edition 2 of 2, Page 11, THE EMBARRASSMENT. The Circular attribut...

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    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

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      October 4,1856.] The Leabei 947

      October 4 , 1856 . ] THE LEABEi 947

      Notices To Correspondents. "Wo Do Not Un...

      NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS . "Wo do not undertake to return rejected communications . Wo notice can be taken of anonymous correspondence . Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated by the name and . address of the writer ; not necessarily for publication , but as a Ruarantee of liis good faith .

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      Saturday, October 4, 185g.

      SATURDAY , OCTOBER 4 , 185 G .

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      ¦ ¦ "? • ¦ . . . - ¦ Tliere Is Nothing S...

      ¦ ¦ " ? ¦ . . . - ¦ Tliere is nothing so revolutionary , "because -there is nothing so unnatural and . convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all theworld is "by thevery law of " its creation in eternal progress . —D . E . Auxolv

      The Embarrassment. The Circular Attribut...

      THE EMBARRASSMENT . The Circular attributed to Prince G-ortschakopp , though , not yet authenticated , is believed to be a genuine document . Tliere is no doubt "whatever that it represents the views of the Russian Cabinet with regard to the coercion of Naples and the occupation , of Greece . But the assumption that the Western Grovernments have been checked by the circulation of this manifesto is purely gratuitous . They had not to learn for the first time from Prince Gobtschakoit in what light the Russian Cabinet would view their projected intervention in . Italy . Neither Lord Palmebston" nor Count Wai / ewski

      could have anticipated the assent of -. [ Russia . The Teal difficulty , so far as any reality can be discerned through the liaze of diplomatic duplicity and- mystification , was at Biarritz . The demonstration against ] N ~ aples had certainly been determined upon and prepared ; what is less certain , is the form of interruption which produced the delay ; and "what is utterly uncertain , is the political purpose of the French Emperor . Count Walewski has felt the tightening of his master ' s hand , and there are changes talked of in Paris . Possibly

      the internal condition of Prance , the low ebb of her finances , the crumbling of the artificial schemes by which labour has been made abundant and food cheap , the mutterings of the urban populations , the exhaustion of the great gambling fund of the Bourse , has produced a state of anxiety which inclines the Emperor to pause at the outset of a European adventure . But even more probable than this , as a reason for the postponement of an act which had undoubtedly been decided upon between the Cabinebs , is the obvious fact that

      the Governments are playing at cross-purposes , and only following the same course that they may outrun or obstruct each other . Such is the present value of the alliance . A prospect so confused has not been opened within the century . Here are four Grovera .-ments ostensibly -working to one end , the reclamation of the Government of Naples . England probably takes the initiative , and fits out a squadron for the Italian waters , Lord Paxmeiis'JON being in these matters much in harmony with Lord Nelson , who thought that diplomacy was never eo effectual as when

      heading a procession of ships of war . The objects of the British Government we may infer are of tho " Whig Constitutionalist character , humane , moderate , preventative , and bnckod by the preponderance-of-Gh'eat-Britain . idea . France could not * suffer the British squadron to depart on such a mission alone , could not assent to a stroke of hussar policy in the Mediterranean , and attached to the CLAitiiifDON chariot the weight of Count " WTApwaici ' s co-operation . Tho Austrian semi-ouieial journals Btate , in fact , that tlic JVcnch Government , desirous of breaking the forco of Lord Palmuusxon ' s impetuosity ,

      proposed to act in concert with him , so that half the game might be taken out of 'his hands . In the meantime , Austria , which seems to have spoken to Naples in two of the varied dialects of diplomacy , hangs in the rear of the Western PoAvers , watches them , takes counsel with them , contributes to the general delay . " While Russia is shaping the expression of her policy , Sardinia—which was excluded from the Tripartite Treatyadopts the doctrine of liberal intervention ,

      and increases the embarrassment by demanding- to be associated with the other European Governments in the work of coercing that of Naples . Thus four Governments are engaged , professedly with the same object , yet , deinonstrably , in different interests . What object can Austria pursue in Italy in common with Sardinia , or Sardinia in common with France , or France in common with Austria , or either France or Austria in common with England ?

      Assuming these Governments to make their representations successively to the King- of NAPi , ES , it would be a strange satire upon tfaeir humanity , were he to propose a reciprocity of reform—to offer France the keys of his political prison , in exchange for the keys of Cayenne—to declare that he will release Poebkv when Cicebttacchio is produced ; and forbid the use of the bastinado in Naples when the use of the scourge for political offences is discontinued in Austria . It is not a little singular that the retorts in his recent stolid letter were addressed to England and not to France ; otherwise , we might have been amused by Ferdinand of Naples

      quoting Louis BiiANo m refutation of a charge from Paris ! The position of the Russian Government is , at least , clear . The Circular places this fact before Europe , — -that Russia attempted to intervene in the affairs of a Jieighbouxing state , and was not only prevented , but foxced to make a public renunciation of her claims . Now , however . Great Britain and France , the powers which prevented , her , absolutely keep the King of Greece in bondage , and threaten to coerce the King of Naples into

      the adoption of a particular line of domestic policy . If our own Government were sincere it would avow that , in the actual condition of the world , the doctrine of non-intervention is a chimera , and that particular acts must . be determined by particular reasons . The affairs of Europe are in such a state that a , liberal government must either exert its influence , or leave an aggregate of despotic governments to work their will by obliterating from one country after another every semblance of freedom

      , responsibility , andlaw . If , then , any reply be addressed to the Russian Government , it will be mere vanity to quibble away the truth , that intervention is allowable in some cases , and not in others . Europe has been submitted , indeed , to a system of intervention , so that only a few of its Governments can be described as independent . The smaller States exist by the sufferance and through the jealousies of the greater . " Were England

      to retire from all active participation in the policy of the Continent , there would speedily be new boundaries and new partitions . We havo 110 right to suffer this , and we have on interests inconsistent with the bold performance of our duty . The year that sees the Old World governed by even comparatively liberal institutions , will open to England a century of increasing commerce and sources of incalculable prosperity .

      Bub before a decisive course is taken , tho English public should be allowed to understand tho grounds of the policy to which it will be committed . Wo have a right to ask that no step which may lend to revolution or

      war should be adopted by our Ministers for secret reasons . Where are the official papers P We have the King of Naples' reply to the demand of the Western Powers . What were those demands , and in what form were they presented ? What ; are the relations of our own Government with that of France ? Above all , what are the agreed objects of their policy ? They must know that , in spite of Conservatism , the encouragement of any liberal action in Italy is an encouragement to a revolutionary war . The policy of putting off is not more safe than creditable . For England , at least , it would

      be an unprofitable undertaking to toe the plug in a dyke that must burst and break up the wretched imposture that prevails from , the limits of Spain to the eastern borders of Europe . The occupation of Greece , for example , is a hopeless propping up of incompetency and bad faith . The attempt to mediate between the national party and the unnational Grovernments in Italy is practically an infatuation . Should five squadrons appear off the Italian coast , and should several provinces of Italy appear in insurrection , what will be done ? Seize the King of Naples with one hand and the Revolution

      with the other , exasperating both , satisfying no one , and leaving t lie true objects of Italian national policy unfulfilled ? if that be our design , it were better to abstain altogether ; but , happily , there are forces in existence which cannofc long be repressed by diplomacy . The Liberals in England ought at least to be powerful enough to determine what their Government shall do .

      Jupiter Tonans And The Three Per. ¦ ¦ ¦ ...

      JUPITER TONANS AND THE THREE PER . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ . ; ¦ . ¦ ; . : ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦' ¦ . : ; . : ¦ : " CENTS . \ , , ¦ Loins Napoxeon has undertaken more than he can perform , and we who go halves with him in some of his games are about to share some of his disasters . He is a man of much more ability than we gave him credit for possessing at first ; but no man born of woman can be a second Providence to a great country , and he has broken down in the attempt to carry out an impious ambition . Henry the Fifth professes to have the

      original right from Heaven to be King of the French people . He believes , and some Frenchmen who are neither lunatics nor knaves also believe , that if Henkt the Fifth were to sit upon a crimson cushion in Paris , the fact would be so pleasing to powers above kings , that ^ France would be restored to prosperity and greatness , and the King and his people would live happy ever after . These are obsolete notions , inconsistent with the pretensions of the Bonaparte family , and Louis Napoleon despises them even more than he despised the Republicans of 1848 . Ho puts a different construction upon tho

      ways of Providence . Like our great physiologists , he studies the laws of Providence iu the working . He finds Democracy , Socialism , Commerce , and some other great agencies , moving tlie world ; and ho takes a leaf out of every man ' s book . With tho Democrats , ho appeals' to universal suffrage ; only ho dictates to tho Democracy tho election of himself . With tho Socialists , he admits that tho State should find employment for tho workmen , lodgings for the workmen , and that it Bhall arrange the combination of capitalists ; only it must bo tho Elected of December -who shall rule over all theso things ; while the expenses Bhall fall upon the Electors of December . Tho Joint-Stock Companies developed the commerce of England and her whole empire , and ho will permit Joint-Stock Companies tc commence n new commercial era in France ; credit swells the wealth of England , and credit Bhall bo organized in his own land

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 4, 1856, page 11, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_04101856/page/11/