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Leader (1850-1860), 4th August 1860, Edition 2 of 2, Page 5, Aug. 4 I860] The Saturday Analyst and Le...

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      Aug. 4 I860] The Saturday Analyst And Le...

      Aug . 4 I 860 ] The Saturday Analyst and Leader . 701

      The Emperor's Letter. Ttsurpers Are Near...

      THE EMPEROR'S LETTER . TTSURPERS are nearly always better than legitimate kings ; LJ and the Monarch of the coup d ' etat is a much pleasanter and easier person to deal with than any of the Royal mediocrities of the old sort . His friend , Lord Palmerston , has just tried to excite a little international animosity for the unprincipled purpose of diverting attention from measures he wished to drive through the House of Commons without any inquiry . In the City his Lordship ' s warlike oration was immediately quoted at a great discount , and the fall in the Premier ' s veracity prevented the decline of Consols that must have taken place , if any credible witness had borne the same testimony to

      the imminence of our danger from France . But all the world is not as well able to value a Palmerston splutter as accurately as our shrewd men on 'Change ; and to prevent misapprehension the Emperor of the French has written a private letter to his Ambassador , for the purpose of having it shown to our Minister for Foreign Afpairs . In this document appears plain and straightforward assurances of goodwill that are at any rate worth more than Lord Palmerston ' s balderdash , and their sincerity is shown by the readiness to join us in a policy adapted to make the best of the Syrian difficulty , and secure for Italy the right of settling her own affairs .

      We are too strong for Napoleon III . to attack us for an " idea , " and the close approximation of Austria and Prussia renders it desirable for France and for Europe that we should be on good terms with our ally . The Prince of Prussia has promised not to attempt to Austrianize his dominions ; but it is believed he also has promised Francis Joseph to obstruct the independence of Italy ; and in the event of a renewal of war , to place himself in a position of antagonism towards France . Being an obstinate shallow person of the old " right divine " sort , the Prussian ruler fears the realization of Italian Unity ,

      and has not the wit to give up the Austrian pretension that the Rhine tnust be defended on the Mincio . If he perseveres { in this policy , he will in due time convince the French that the independence of the Mincio must be secured on the Rhine . This may be the reason why Lord John Russeli . persists in offering timid impracticable counsels to Victor Emanuel ; and while he refuses to act against Garibaldiby force of arms , continues to batterhimwith diplomacyyin the hope of inducingbim to leave Naples alone . A Tory is never happy but when wrong ; but it is a pity a Whig is never comfortable when right . Lord

      John Russeli . has behaved in many particulars better than any Foreign Minister we have e ^ ver haxi ; but he cannot simply accept his own principles , and leave the Italians alone . If they have a right to settle their own accounts with their own sovereigns , and choose Garibaldi as the best man to enforce iheir ^ claimSr ^ h y- ^ emonstr ^ te ^ w-ith ^ heir ^ xJAd ^ ejaae- ^ .., _ The right of Italy to national existence is an indefeasible , absolute right , and no fear of consequences to other States should make us falter a moment in affording a steady , moral support . If the Prince of Prussia chooses to take the most foolish course

      open to him , through his leaning towards absolutism , and his hatred of popular liberty , this is no reason why we should wish the Italians to pause . We may tell the German people that the folly and selfishness of their Princes tends to bring them into conflict with France , and to endanger tbeir beloved Rhine ; but we ought to apply the principles of equity and common sense to the whole transaction . The people of Italy have a moral claim to aid from the German or other Powers , because their cause is just ; andjf those Powers go against them , and force France into another war , they will have no right to complain if France makes them pay the cos $ of the process .

      If Garibaldi succeeds at Naples as he has done in Sicily , then will come a rising in the Romagna , and after that Austria must either abandon Venetia , or be prepared to encounter a revolution both there and in Hungary . According to probable versions of the Toplitz interview , the Prince of Prussia has undertaken to exert himself to stop these beneficial results ; but let him not fancy that , after he has employed his power to prevent the liberation of Italy and Hungary , he will have any claim

      to English aid on the Rhine . Our letters from Italy leave no doubt that the fall of Cavour and grievous difficulties to Y ^ , T - OJ * -.. E ^ plans ¦• and when matters have gone " a little further , Sardinia will be compelled , by the public opinion of Italy , to make good her promises not to cease from her exertions until the quadrangle is garrisoned . by Italian soldiers , and the Austrian vulture is driven from St . Mark's .

      If Lord J . Russell can influence Prussia , let it be to join England and France in the liberation of Italy . Austria , isolated as she ought to be from the German Powers , would soon give way ; while , if they will make the mad and criminal

      effort to sustain her , they will encounter retribution in the shape of the Zouaves on the Rhine . The Napoleonic letter is worth a careful study , and if its writer had not been a marvellous master of dissimulation , no one could for a moment , entertain a doubt as to its sincerity . If taken only as relates to the present , we do not feel disposed to cast any doubts upon it , and we think that reasonable prudence on our own part will cause its writer to continue in the same mind . We are not deluded by the assertion that the army and navy of France are not stronger than in the reign of Louis P hilippe ; but we are powerful enough to view them without alarm .

      Napoleon III . will not willingly repeat the errors of Napoleon I ., and bring about a coalition of all Europe against Ms throne . If we were foolish enough to follow the Manchester School , and lay ourselves open to attack , we should probably suffer for our temerity ; but a man like the Emperor of the French respects strength , and he knows that we possess it . . If it were possible for ^ France , Russia , and Austria , to combine for our overthrow and for the division of the East , there might be cause for alarm—not for our destruction , for they could never accomplish it—but of prolonged and disastrous wars . Such a dream may have entered the mind of some ambitious despot , but no reason exists to fancy it can be

      carried out . The Emperor confesses that the peace of Villafranca made it difficult for him to agree with us about Central Italy ; but happily that agreement did not facilitate his agreement with A ustria , and he now expresses a wish " that Italy may pacify herself , no matter how , so that it be without foreign interference . " He adds that he wishes to be able to quit Rome without compromising the sanctity of the Pope ; and that , as regards Syria , he would be best pleased if he were not obliged to interfere at all . All this is consistent with a rational conception of his own interests , and it will be no derogation from our

      dignity if we accep . t it in good faith . Upon our home politics the letter will liave a good influence . It strengthens Lord John Russell and Mr , Gladstone , while it keeps Lord Palmerston and the Tories in check ,

      Free And Slave Labour.* Nphe Question Of...

      FREE AND SLAVE LABOUR . * nPHE question of labour , in all ages of the wbrld ^ has been a J- difficult one to deal with . Unappreciated at its true value , it wasX natural that it should be relegated to slaves . But now that we have arrived at more correct notions on the subject ; the labourer rises in our esteem , arid indeed is recognised as the highest title of the truly free man . Strangely nised as the highest title of the truly tree man . otrangeiy advooate

      enough America , the land of freemen , the collected of the dignity of labour , has , in these modern times , been the greatest sinner in associating the rjle - sl ^ dn ^ i ^ S ^ f ^ f j JS something to do with slavery . The Jews more highly regarded that privilege when they brought up their sons to some . calling , whether entitled to a fortune or to none . The truest blessing to any individual , is to have the capacity and opportunity for labour . And it seems that , in that same anomalous America , the question between free labour and sjavc labour is at last to be fought out . We rejoice to hear ir , even though at the expense of a civil war , with which we are threatened .

      We say we—for England is as much interested in the question as the United States . Let Manchester tremble . The case stands thus : —We are how mainly dependent upon the Unitod States for the raw material of cotton , and that supply is now in peril . Cotton and commerce are identified , Great Britain suffers with them . In a word , " stop her cotton sui > ply , and , you hurl her from her rank amidst the nations . " This is the grave question at issue . with

      Mr . Edge has enabled us to put the entire argument clearness before our readers , The immediate per il arises from the circumstance , that this year the United States elect a President in tho place of Mr . Buchanan . " For the first time , says Mr , Edge , "in . the history of the Republic , the two principles of free and slave labour stand face to face . I tut Northern Free States are preparing to declare that slavery is seoiionul . shall henceforward be illegal , except in those States where " ~ W Tflreaay ~ exiHtsr The South ~ i < rprepaTing ~ maintnih that slavery is -national , first at the polls , and ofter-• wai'ds bdisunion or civil war . "

      y Tho logical advantage is great of being able to put we omestion before us in technical terms like these . It is next to certain , we find , that the Northern Free State party will have tho power to choose the forthcoming President ; who , m mrn ,

      " ^Nnrb^D, Or, The Conm M*R*H /W« A$%*Sx...

      " ^ nnrb ^ d , or , The ConM M * r * H / W « A $% * SX ' <*> "" United fault ™ . By t ' rtEDBmcK Munbr Kpok . LoikIwi s HmWi , j-uw ,

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 4, 1860, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_04081860/page/5/