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AUWST 4, 185».] THB LEADER. 745
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)<> PHQGttESS OF KUSSIAN POLICY IN },,tj...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Torture In India. A Paitffui, Sensation ...
8 UB » without a morsel of bread or a drop of water , until nature gives way , and the witness Attests whatever lie is bid . Or a tKird will be plunged knee-deep into putrid ordure , and there held bound night and day until the desired object be attained . Sometimes , instead of torture , recourse is had to bribery , and—however incredible it ; may sound to English ears—men have been induced by the promise of a hundred rupees ( 10 / . ) , to declare themselves guilty of a murder they never committed . It is true they are assured that
their life is in no danger , and when they discover their peril it is too late to break through the mesh that has been woven around them . For ordinary witnesses are always procurable at exceedingly low rates—one rupee , or two shillings , per head being considered a handsome remuneration for an easy day ' s work . And perjury , never at any time viewed with much horror , is now held of small account since the substitution of a simple declaration , in place of the more binding attestation of the Koran or the waters of the Ganges .
,, But , it may be asked , whence comes this so great desire ou the part of the police to obtain a conviction ? Our answer may be briefly given . If any delay takes place in discovering the perpetrators of a crime , the chief police-officer of the district is warned that , if he do not apprehend the offenders within a certain period , he will be dismissed from his post . With this threat impending over his nead , it is not surprising that he should endeavour , by fair means or foul , to
implicate some poor wretch , no matter how innocent . Besides , the inadequate salaries paid to the police render them peculiarly liable to corruption , and Orientals , in general , may be accused of having an itching palm . TIiub , perhaps , the principal landholder , or other great man , in the neighbourhood , bears a grudge against some poor villager or peasant . A . crime is reported at the
¦ police-station : sons of Belial come forward % o bear witness against Naboth : he is seized and tortured till he confess ; and the puzzled though doubting magistrate has . oftentimes no alternative , but to convict . Justice is both a rare and a costly commodity in the ISast . Witnesses are brought up by scores , iand the longest purse has the best chance of a favourable verdict .
> ,, This is no new state of things of which we apeak . It has long been notorious that our entire system was defective—that the police were corrupt and inefficient ; , tho native officials and magistrates open to bribery and iintiaudation , the mode of procedure in our ; cpurte tedious , expensive , and unsatisfactory ^ and that the European judges were incompetent to unravel tho web of Asiatic fraud and chicanery . But no stops have boon tnken to
tct , upon this knowledge . Aiul it will ever tie a stigma on the East India Company that , Under their sway , hardly a , single improvejnpnt has been introduced into their mlnunisifotion except under tho influence of public flWnion at home . How long this state of Political coma is to l ; e endured we will not r * ke upon , ourselves to determine ; but wo . Jfllieve that no permanent amelioration can to expected until the Government of India ryflassumed by tho Crown . . <»„ . .. ., —¦
Auwst 4, 185».] Thb Leader. 745
AUWST 4 , 185 » . ] THB LEADER . 745
)<> Phqgttess Of Kussian Policy In },,Tj...
)<> PHQGttESS OF KUSSIAN POLICY IN } ,, ., , ,. CKNTUAL . ASIA , !<< ;••' , ' ( SKCOMO AIITIC'UC . ) Jffljfa , a common remark thait Afghanistan forms , as ^ fc ^ fjprQ j , ^ he outworks of our Indian possessions ; 1 | H . 2 W $ , £ . < X ^ truth it nmy bo asiid that tho t Wgqonx of Persia lrnu hitherto constituted a sort w neutral ground occupied by tho vedottes of 'BuMta ' and England . The importance of mnin-Jwwng : friendly relations with that country has 'wnfrbtea appreciated by both those Powers ; but
for man / years past the influence of the Russians —owing to their proximity and their brutal insolence—nas been decidedly predominant . IFrom the reign of Peter I ., the hereditary policy of the Czars—working by force and fraud , and directed by an irresponsible despotic chief—has been gradually and irresistibly extending both their moral and their material power to the southward and eastward . The interposition of the Ottoman Empire tended to conceal for a time from Europe the Muscovite encroachments in Central Asia , and it is only of late years that we have discovered the full extent of the danger that
menaces our ascendancy in the East . When the curtain was first drawn aside , the peril appeared all the more imminent and terrible from our previous ignorance of its existence . In India , especially , a panic seized all ranks and classes of Europeans , and , perhaps , no one was more seriously alarmed than the Governor-General and his immediate advisers . No doubt , the Rtissophobia at that conjuncture assumed dimensions out of all proportion to the real magnitude of the danger . But that there were sufficient grounds for considerable anxiety and uneasiness , may be easily shown bv a hasty review of our relations with Persia during the last fifty yeais .
It was at the close of the eighteenth century that the Government of India first felt the _ necessity of holding political coirnnunicjitions with the Court of Teheran . The Marquis of Wellesley very soon after his arrival in the East became aware of the danger that menaced our north-west frontier through the ambition of Shah Zeman , the ruler of the Afghans . It was notorious that Sultan Tippoo was endeavourinir to form an offensive and
defensive alliance with the Sikhs , and it had also transpired that Wuzeer Ali , of Oude , had tempted Shah Zeman with an immense sum of money to invade the British territories . Under these circumstances , Lord Wellesley deemed it expedient to effect a diversion by raising up an enemy to the Afghan prince . The opportunity was , besides , favourable ; for Futteh Ali Shah had alread _ yconceived the design of annexing the principalities of Candahar and Herat to the kingdom of Persia .
His lordship accordinglv instructed Mehdi Ah Khan , a naturalised Persian nobleman , at that time the Company ' s agent at Bushire , to take such measures as might induce the Shah-in-Shah to keep the Afghans in check , but not to urge him to overt acts of hostility . To effect this purpose the Khan was authorised to expend annually two or three lakhs of rupees , to gain the goodwill and support of the Shah ' s chief advisers . Futteh Ali , indeed , needed no great persuasion to adopt a course he had previously marked out for himself , and in 1709 and the following year he twice invaded Khorassan , thus compelling Shah Zeman to defer for a time his projected descent
upon Hindostan . On his Majesty s return Teheran in the autumn of 1800 , he accorded a gracious reception to the British Mission under Captain , afterwards Sir John , Malcolm , who was empowered to conclude a treaty with the Shah for the more immediate object of counteracting French influence . Napoleon ' s brilliant campaign in Egypt had inspired the Oriental nations with a high reverence for his name and the power of his people , and in an equal proportion had tilled tho Indian Government with anxiety and dismay . It seemed no such very arduous undertaking for enthusiastic sol
an enterprising general and an - diery to force their way to the Persian Gulf , and thence to invade our Indian territories both by sea and land . This catastrophe might , _ indeed , be part tall v averted by cherishing hostilities between Persia nnd the Afghans , but it would be rendered almost impossible were the French utterly excluded from the former country . The propositions submitted to the Shah with this view have been justly characterised as " an eternal disgrace to our ' Indian diplomacy . " They provided , that " should an army of the French nation , and deceit to settle
actuated by design , attempt , with n view of establishing themselves on any of the islands or snores of Persia , a conjoint force shall bo appointed by the two high contracting parties to net in co-operation for their expulsion and extirpation , and to destroy and put m \ end to tho foundation of their treason ; and if any of tho great men of the French nation express a wish or desire to obtain a place of residence , or dwelling , in any of the islands or shores of the kingdom ol Persia , that they may raise tho standard of abode or settlement , leave for their residing in such ft plftco shall not be granted . " The governors
of provinces were further to be instructed to " expel and extirpate the French , and never allow them to obtain a footing in any place ; " and fully empowered " ¦ to disgrace and slay the intruders . " According to M . Langl € s , the British Mission sipnally failed in tbis respect . " Leurs propositions ridicules et meme injurietises , " he says , "furent rejetees avec indignation par le Shah etpar ses mivistres . " Captain Malcolm , however , declares that this statement is " exactly opposed to the truth , " plumes himself upon the success that attended h ' s negotiations . But there is every reason to believe that this treaty was , at least , never ratified , for it is excluded , from the Persian State Papers laid before the House of Commons ; and an 1806
Governor Duncan stated his impression that its final ratification was not to take place -until the arrival of Haji Khalil at Calcutta—an event that never occurred , as we shall presently have to relate . Orientals are chiefly assailable through fear or cupidity . Captain Malcolm chose the latter alternative , and lavished such vast sums of money that the Persians imagined be was promised a per
centage on whatever he expended . His prodigality gave rise to most exaggerated notions respecting the wealth of the British nation , and materially impeded the labours of his successors , who were wisely forbidden to follow such a silly and extravagant precedent . But Eastern etiquette required that such magnificence should be responded to with similar ostentation . The Shah , however , was by no means disposed to disburse his own treasures in this fruitless manner . He
therefore commanded a rich Ispahan merchant , named Haji Khalil , to proceed upon this mission at his own expense . On the arrival of this personage at Bombay a guard of Sepoys was appointed as his escort , but unhappily an affray took place between the soldiers and some of the ambassador ' s suite , in which the unfortunate Haji accidentally lost his life . Great was the trepidation of the Supreme Council on receiving intelligence of this untoward event , but the Persian Government readily accepted the explanations that were offered , backed as they were by most liberal pensions , granted to the relatives of the deceased ;
and a writer in the Calcutta Review reports n saying attributed to the minister of Shiraz , that " the English might kill ten ambassadors , if they paid for them at the same rate . " The affair would , no doubt , never again have been heard of , had not the Haji ' s nephew subsequently sought and obtained the Shah ' s permission to proceed to Bombay to recover the property left there by his uncle ; " he was at the same time instructed to solicit the aid of the Indian Government in
checking the encroachments of Russia . Un fortunately the envoy was a better trader than diplomatist , and used much greater exertions to obtain an indemnity for his losses than to advance the political interests with which he was intrusted . II is arrogance and presumption effectually thwarted the wishes of the Shah , though it is scarcely probable that any other agent would have fared better at that particular juncture , for he reachedCalcutta shortly after the death of Lord Cornwallis , during the provisional government of Sir G . Barlow .
This was in 1806 , at which period little apprehension was entertained with respect to Russia , although there lacked not sufficient grounds for a strong distrust . So far back as the reign ot Peter I ., the Persians in an evil hour besought the aid of their Muscovite neighbours against the revolted Lesghis . The Czar required but little pressing , and , for the first time in history , the Russian armies encamped on the shores of the Caspian . Under Catherine If . a Frenchman , M . de St . Genio , drew up a plan for the invasion Cashmere
of Hindostan , by way of Bokhara and , which was laid before the Empress by 1 nnce Nassau Siegen , and has ever since been brooded over by the successive rulers of the Russian empire . It is indeed strange that the insidious and aggressive character of Muscovite policy Should so long have been viewed w . th secure apathy . Two years previous to Captain Malcoim a mission , the Emperor Paul had en ^« a «" 50 , 000 men from the Volga to « ° 7 «* J 5 £ 35 , 000 French soldiers , to bo ^^^^" w ? - Rhine , in invading Hindostan » nd ^ e SS and palpable proo ;>^« ^ ' yonP 180 O , fey ^ d s ^ s ^^ r ^^^
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 4, 1855, page 13, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_04081855/page/13/
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