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Leader (1850-1860), 4th February 1860, Edition 2 of 2, Page 5

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      Feb. 4, I860.J The Leader And Saturday A...

      Feb . 4 , I 860 . J The Leader and Saturday Analyst . 105

      Civil And- Religious Policy Of Napoleon ...

      CIVIL AND- RELIGIOUS POLICY OF NAPOLEON III . TH E Ruler of France is said to have turned over a new leaf in the history of the Empire . It is indeed most true ; and as every leaf has two pages , so that which has obeyed the finger of ¦ Nat » ole on III . presents more sides than ione . On the first is inscribed Freedom for the National Industry ; on the other , Freedom for the National Church . Conscience and trade are alike called upon to discard the . superstitious awe of foreign superiority by which they have long been enslaved . French skill , invention " , and perseverance are called upon to rise superior to the fear of English competition ; while French Catholicity is reminded of the essential distinction that exists between doctrinal communion with Rome and tinpatriotie

      subserviency to her political errors . In both these great and vital ¦ interests of the people committed to his care , the restorer of the Umpire seems to be animated with the ambition of raising their moral tone , by stimulating in its true and legitimate sense the national pride . As a practical philosopher-he ' well knows , the inestimable value of self-respect in a nation ; and having revived the national confidence in its . military prowess by the triumphs of Sebastopol and Solferino , he desires to develop its civil and ecclesiastical self-respect , by leading it to encounter without misgiving the peaceful competition of foreign enterprise , and to ' resist Avithput hesitation the overweening pretensions of Ultramontanisin . This is indeed to imitate a policy

      worthy of a great name—worthy of grateful remembrance . Kven though it were temporarily to fail , its author , looking onward' through ¦ ¦ the telescope of time , and calmly anticipating-the ¦ future estimate of history , might , with the poet , legitimately . 'xclnim— " Exegivionv merit inn cere < perain i / i-s . " ¦ Simultaneously io have pronounced the commercial and the ecclesiastical emancipation of a great country , and thereby to have simultaneously f ; hallenged the resistance of all the elements of selfish hope and

      fear which habits of an opposite kind naturally engender , is indeed to play a great historic part , and to merit , not the . mere passing applause of the hour , but the lasting respect of enlightened opinion , throughout the world . AVe have said that such ' -an attempt to . assert for . his country , civil . arid religious quality with the most pretentious of its ' neighbours , is . one worthy of a great ruler , even though for a time it should appear io fail ' . "" ' J 5 ut . it will not fail . The chords tluit have been struck in the national heart , are not newly strung . . Though long condemned to silence thev have tilwavs been there ; and this is where

      I he true discernment of statesmanship proves its superiority to the tiict and cunning of surf . ice politicians . M . AValewskj , and the whole buzzing Sjwarm of courtiers , bureaucrats , and mercenary buskers in the sunshine of the Empire , would have voted unanimously , had they boon consulted , against the publication oi'Le Pape > - / Le Couyres ] or the decree extinguishing prohibitions . Why run any risk of present unpopularity for the mere permanent good of the people ? ' "Why sacrifice administrative case for experimental benefit to tlie souls and the bodies of millions ol people ? Why hazard tlic interruption of seKish enjoyments , capable of being countered and clutched , for the sake of the UTMtitude that too often proves ephemeral ? Why barter the

      ulad grimace of satisfied sycophants for the inappreciable gratitude of the people , ? Why / interrupt the luxury of present quiet for the pursuit of eventual fame ? The logic of such counsellors is , from their point of view , irresistible ; but happily for himself , for France , and for mankind , Navolkon III . is accustomed to look upon the field of domestic and foreign affairs from a wholly diil ' erent point of view ; and having once decided on his course , Ue shows the most unswerving resolution in adhering to'it . It were a great mistake on the part of Englishmen , to confound the new policy of the French Emperor iu . oiy . il or religious matters , with that which is established in this country . Napolkon 111 . confesses himself to be a convert neither to Protestantism

      nor to Peelism . Ho is not a Propagandist of new tenets , but , on the contrary , a careful student of authority , and respecter of deeply rooted convictions . In his buttle with the Jesuits and Antonklli , he eschews all appeals to revolutionary doctrines in the Church , und repudiates all thought of schism , lie entrenches himself scrupulously within the time-honoured limits of the " GalUeun Liberties ; " and ( motes the words of Bossubt , among French Catholics regarded as the most orthodox , of teachers . Neither does he commit the error of his uncle ,

      who forgot the respect due to the Pope m his impatience of political t'hwuvtings , Whatever censures Pius IA . may bO ill advised enough to pronounce on the 'Government of ITrnn . ce , that Government will still persist in protecting 1 his city , his palace , and liis person from molestation . No other power shall bo permitted to share the honour of boing Jiis guard ; and the most spiteful of sympathizers in the Pope ' s -perplexities shall not have an excuse for levying a pennyworth of

      pity on the score of St . Peter ' s successor being threatened or driven , from his palace-home . True . / wisdom this , and true loyalty to the feelings and instincts of the community lie governs . The French wish well to the Italians , but they wish no ill to the Pope . . They would like to sqe Italy free from the yoke of the Hcipsburgs and the Bourbons , but they-would not like to see tlie head of their Church a captive or an exile . Their sagacious sovereign understands their sentiments , and courageously seeks to realize them . They do not want reaction in Central Italy , and in their name . he has told Europe it shall not be . They do not want the subversion of the Vatican , and he has undertaken to sentinel its safety . The obligations are indeed onerous , and tlie responsibility is great r . but were lie to evade either one or the other half of them , he would not be the Imperial impersonation of the mind of France .

      So , likewise , with regard to emancipated industry . He is content to walk in the ways of Tl-rgot , and to act in conformity With the reasoning of II us kisson and of Toruens , rather than affect to be an . eleventh hour labourer in the field of our present Free Trade doctrinaires . He thinks it wiser to conduct the community he governs gradually , through the bypaths of modified protection , than to chuck them violently and suddenly into unqualified free trade . It is not necessniy for us to argue the comparative results of the two methods economically . There may be differences of opinion amongst theorists on tin ; point ; but this much all , we think , -must , own , namely , that tlie more cautious course is that which'promises' the least amount

      of immediate popularity , and prolongs to the greatest extent . the cohoes ' of dissatisfaction and complaint . . Were the products of Sheffield ,. Leeds , ; and . Stoke , by a wave of the fiscal wand , permitted to be brought into the great towns of the empire from and after a- certain day , the wonderment and applause of the untititude who would thus be ' enabled to purchase cutlery , pottery , and woollen stuffs at fabulously cheap rates , would be raised to the greatest conceivable height . The vested interests , on the . other hand , would have less time to cabal and tp complain ; mid their real or supposed injuries avouUI have less chance of bi-iug . heard amid the . clamour of popular joy . The Emperor disdains ,-. however , to avail . himself , of the ' adventitious -aid . in

      question .. He . is content to abolish prohibitions ; and to begin by the admission of raw niate ' rials only free of duty / , Oh all lnaiiufactured goods he proposes to preserve protecting duties ; nnd not even his anxiety to -conclude a commercial treaty with England "has led him into consenting to lower those duties beyond thirty per cent . -Instead of reading in tins circumspection evidences of a wavering policy , we confess we see in it the proofs of a settled and stable purpose , it is that of a nuui vhose reasons have been convinced of the worth of great principles , and who has the moral courage to work them out not in the most madcap tandem ,, but in the securest way . Truly it may be said of him as it was said of -Mi iiabeai :, — ira loin , il croil . '

      Reform;—Corrupt Cost Of Elections. Pa.Ki...

      REFORM ;—CORRUPT COST OF ELECTIONS . PA . KIJIA . MENTA . 11 V Reform , to ho effective and complete in the sight of all hom-st men ,. must not only deal with the proper allocation of seats , and the due concession of the franchise , but with the purity and freedom , of elections . We may multiply constituencies and multiply voters , here a little and there a little , or , what is -perhaps more probable , here n great deal too little , ami there a great deal too much . Very large constituencies are as positive an evil us very small ones ; and it is as manifest a mischief that a few voters who may be bam :

      boosslpri , bullied or bought , should have the power ot naming a member of the senate , because they happen to be householders in some miserable mildewed hamlet ,, as it is that hundreds or thousands of intelligent , citi / . ens in a populous town should feel themselves utterly powerless to exercise any appreciable , influence in on election , on account of the multitudinous character of the constituency . It is-to bo hoped , therefore , that though the aggregate number of Members of Parliament ought not to he , increased , the aggregate number of constituencies may be ; that the size of constituencies mny bo brought within somewhat more reasonable Hunts ; and that the valuu of individual votes may ,

      to a certain extent , be mure , equalised . In 'ike manner wo may confidently trust that a large , industrious , and intelligent class , both in town und country , will be included in the benefits of the forthcoming ministerial Bill . Wo have no expectation that its provisions will go as far as wo could wish . We have always tidvocatod the enfranchisement of ovory householder who shall 1 )< 3 resident and be liable to tlie payment of rates . To this we have no doubt that we shall come at last . Meanwhile we shall not object to take any instalment of a substantial kind , such us a & b or J 80 occupation franchise . , , But , whatever may bo done with scuts or with votes , it is mwu-

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 4, 1860, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_04021860/page/5/