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Leader (1850-1860), 3rd July 1852, Edition Country of 1, Page 12

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      Ihe Proceedings In The House Of Commons ...

      House laughed a good deal at the plain truths he told them about tbe bribery and corruption employed in the election of members . Mr . Oswald was for dividing the House against Lord John , whose conduct Mr . Height characterized as , " if not inconsistent , at all events exceedingly feeble . " Mr . Walpole defended the amendments on the ground that the bill , as it originally stood , would have placed an enormous power in the hands of Government , through the House of Commons , for disfranchising boroughs . The bill was not a Government bill , and though Ministers had supported it in the Commons , he thought it quite legitimate for Ministers to spoil it in the Lords . The amendments were agreed to .

      In reply to a question from Lord _Claneicaede , Lord _Malmesbury said he could not lay any correspondence before the House on the subject of the extradition of criminals . He then charged the Whig Opposition with having , on party motives , defeated his Surrender of Criminals Bill—a bill , he said , " which was drawn up by their own officers according to their own instructions , and which I in no way altered either in the sense or m the text , ( Loud cheers . ) " He had added two clauses , " oue positively defining the offences for which surrender was to be made , and enacting that it should be only for such offences as were in this country deemed felonious ; the other giving additional security to political offenders , and prevented them from being again tried if they had been once surrendered under the convention . ( Hear . )"

      But in conversation it turned out that the bill had been merely drawn up by the Whig lawyers for the consideration of the Whig Ministers , and had not been even seen by them .

      Ar01208

      Mr. Cobden's Address "To Ihe Electors Of...

      mr . cobden ' s address " to ihe electors of the west biding of yorkshire . " Gentlemen , —A Protectionist Administration having called for a final judgment upon its policy from the constituencies of the empire , I beg leave , as an advocate of free trade , to solicit-the honour of again representing you in Parliament . "I will not insult your reason by offering to expose tho evil influences of a policy which seeks to create an artificial scarcity of the bounties of Providence . The necessity for argument has been superseded by the experience of the last six years , which has demonstrated that a free importation of the necessaries of life confers not only great

      material advantages , but tbat it promotes the higher destinies of a people , through the moral influences that flow from an abundant and easy satisfaction of their physical wants . In a word , free trade has accomplished the aim of the statesman by enriching and strengthening the nation , while it , has fulfilled the desire of the philanthropist by carrying comfort and happiness to the homes of those who live by tho daily labour of their hands . In expressing these sentiments , I am giving utterance to the convictions and feelings of nincteen-twentieths of the population of the kingdom . " How , then , in the face of tbis fact , do we witness the strange anomaly of a Protectionist party in power , a House of Commons feebly asserting a free-trade policy , and the Queen appealing to the electors for their opinion upon a question on which the people have come to an all hut , unanimous decision ? The cause

      of this state of things must be sought , in tho imperfections of our electoral system , which seems to he ingeniously contrived to prevent the majority in Parliament from reflecting with ease and accuracy the opinions of the majority of the nation . . Let me illustrate this hy one fact . In an assembly professing fairly to represent the country , I find myself associated with a hundred _inonihorn , the aggregate ofwho . se constituencies do not . equal in number , and still less in _intelligence ami wealth , the constituency which 1 have fhe honour to represent , and yet every one of them counts for as much as your member in a division list . Under sueh a system , majorities depend , in ordinary and tranquil seasons , more upon the skill of Parliamentary iMoticiaiis _, the interests of powerful individuals , and the corrupting influences of wealth and patronage , than upon the force of public opinion . Such a representative system instead of assisting tho judgment of a Minister anxious to ascertain and meet the wants and wishes of his countrymen _, is calculated to embarrass and mislead him : and il a

      patriot statesman , disregarding a Parliamentary majority , resolve on some great occasion to consult , the welfare of the . people , in opposition to the behests of the interested and powerful Cow , ho is either thwarted in his efforts , or punished if successful , by banishment from official life , while the 1 > cop le , who are raising monuments to his fame , aro poweress to prevent his opponents from occupying the seat , of power from which they have expelled him . Sueh a state of things if . neither satisfactory nor secure . Our representation is not what if professes lobe ; if will not bear investigation ; and it does not work well . If it , did , there would be no necessity for a dissolution to decide the fate of a Protectionist Administration . Tho true test of the

      worthiness of a people lo enjoy free institutions is their rapacity , by timely and wise amendments , to adapt them to the changing and advancing circumstances of -the age . I trust that , the people , of Knghuid will _f \> r their next , task undertake that , reform in our electoral system which is culled for by Mm- state of public affairs , and which is necessary to bring into harmony the , theory and practice of our free constitution . " for the present , however , if is our duty , by one more strong and united expression of opinion , to establish upon an _iuipcrishiililo foundation tho principle of commercial liberty . That the advocates of monopoly should have made

      Mr. Cobden's Address "To Ihe Electors Of...

      another special appeal to the country necessary , and thus retarded other important public questions , is to be regretted , so far as our domestic interests are concerned . But let us console ourselves with the belief that the decision now about to be come to by the electors of England will have a salutary influence abroad . Hitherto other nations have regarded only as an experiment our free trade measures ,, the reversal of which they have seen constantly threatened by the party now in power . They will _sliortly see a second Protectionist Governrhent repudiate Protec- _^ tionist principles . Then will commence the influence of our example upon foreign countries . I do not shrink from avowing my belief in the universal though tardy triumph of a principle which has been demonstrated in our own case

      to involve the well-being of the people and the prosperity of the Government . With the general diffusion of liberal commercial principles , I shall expect with confidence the growth of a more frank and generous international spirit , and , in spite of the baekslidings of some from whom I had expected better things , and who have involved us in the cost of fresh preparations for war , I do not hesitate to declare my conviction , that the final triumph of free trade , which England is now about to consummate , will be the strongest guarantee that human hands can give for the observance of that divine precept which enjoins ' peace on earth and goodwill towards men . ' " Gentlemen , I have said that in tranquil and ordinary seasons the policy of Governments is made subservient to unworthy and sinister influences . Not so on an occasion

      like the present , when a ripe national question is about to be submitted to the ordeal of a general election . At sueh a crisis , Ministers and public men look for the final settlement of a great controversy to the larger constituencies , and especially to that of the West Riding , whose numbers , extent , and wealth raise it so far above every other electoral community . I know that when the moment comes for recording your verdict , it will be , as it has ever been on all great occasions , on the side of humanity- peace , and freedom . " I have the honour to remain , " Your faithful and obedient servant , "Richard Cobdek . " London , June 24 . "

      Westminster . —A meeting of the electors of Westminster was beld last evening at the Pimlico Assemblyrooms , Vauxhall-bridge-road , to hear from Mr . William Coningham , of Brighton , the first public statement of his political" principles . Mr . Sturgeon took the chair , and introduced Mr . Coningham to the , meeting . He fletailed his political creed , which was that of a Radical in the broadest sense of the word . He was for manhood suffrage , the ballot , annual elections , equal electoral districts , and the abolition of absurd property qualifications , the separation of Church and State , and the total withdrawal of all pecuniary grants for religious purposes whatever ; the education of the people to be secular and properly provided for hy the State . These principles were very warmly received , and a resolution , proposed by Mr . Thornton Hunt , embodying their effect was carried .

      Mr. Whiston Was Heard In His Own Defence...

      Mr . Whiston was heard in his own defence before the Arches Court on Wednesday . He delivered a most able and feeluig speech . The _llishop of Rochester deferred judgment . When that is delivered we shall present the remainder of the case to our readers . While Mr . Whiston was defending himself at Doctors Commons on Wednesday last , on the charge of " utter unfitness and unworthiness ' as a teacher , his pupil , Mr . E . Arnold , was reciting hia _Newdegute Prize Poem before the University of Oxford , a composition which is described " as far above the average of University poems , and the theme of general admiration . ')

      We Learn From A Correspondent, That Lowe...

      We learn from a correspondent , that Lowell Mason , Esq ., of Boston , United States , has purchased of the heirs of the late distinguished composer Jtuick , of Darmstadt , the whole of his largo and valuable library , and it , is now en- route via Rotterdam to Boston . Only lately , the Theological Library of the celebrated Neandcr was purchased at Rochester , New York , and we now congratulate our American friends on this new addition to their treasures , through the liberality and public spirit of the purchaser , who has done so much to create a knowledge und love of science of music in bis native city . Tbe library consists

      of—1 . Various Works in the History , Hiography , and _Lienerul Literature of Music , including sets of tbe various musical periodicals in Cermany during the last fifty years . 2 . Theoretical Works—very _extensive collodionindeed , all the books on the Science of Music which have been published in Germany . ' A . Hooks of Church Music , Masses , _Motetts , & . c , with many old and valuable books of Chorals from the sixteenth century down to the present time . 4 . Organ Music—an extensive collection hy German writers . _f > . Scores of Operas , and the Vocal Works , especially of the older Gorman school .

      (! . Very ninny Educational Works , Singing Schools , School Song Hooks , < Vo . Ac 1 . ' Much Manuscript Music , including a collection of Psalms for double choir by Ituick , and other valuable Organ and Vocal Music which has never been published . H . Autographs by many of the German composers . ib A large Oullory of Portraits , many of which are now _excuedinglv rare .

      M

      m

      Sat1teday, July 3,1852.

      SAT 1 TEDAY , JULY 3 , 1852 .

      Ifauhr Mitir-S.

      _IfauHr _Mitir-s .

      There Is Notmng So Revolutionary, Becaus...

      There is notMng so revolutionary , because there nothing so unnatural and convulsive , ' the strain to keep thmas fixed when , all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal "progress . —De . _Aenold .

      The Eligible It Is Possible Tliat Next W...

      THE ELIGIBLE It is possible tliat next week the capital may be engaged in the actual warfare of a contested election . Should the views of the most influential parties incline them to postpone the election to the longest date , we may have yet another week of preparations ; preparations , however , which already begin to assume the spirit of actual conflict . It is long since a general election _tas happened with such a total negation o £ definite views in every party . As the time draws nigh , the purpose of the Ministerial party , late Protectionists , becomes more and more vague and illusory , more and more fantastical and dreamy . Hut lately the chief of the Cabinet spoke of the only measure to which he specifically alluded as one " the possibility" of which " seemed" " to loom in the future . "

      Subsequently , Sir John Trollope , as a Conservative , and even attached to the Administration , supports Ministers in the earnest hope that their legislation may be founded upon principles beneficial to the country ! After this optative or potential mood , in which the object changes from a possibility to a hope , from a measure to a principle unexpressed , comes the thundering assurance from Lord Maidstone ( who , perhaps , as an epic poet ,

      may be excused an hyperbole , especially a stolen one ) that unless Lord Derby ' s Government continues in the confidence of the people and the majority of the Parliament , there will be " after him—tiie Deluge . " The most tangible idea wo are permitted to gather of the Conservative , Protectionist , Ministerial , orDerby-Disraelite view is , that some peculiar safety lies in the presidency of Lord Derby ; who is , as orators say , the palladium of our national existence ; so tbat if he be

      removed , there will be after him revolution , democracy , return of Lord John to power , deluge , or something of that sort . Iu the fear of that regime of Old Bogy , tho _English people is to vote for the return of tho Ministerial candidates . To put it in brief , and plainly , such appears to be the view which the Conservative party gives of the situation , and its description of its own policy . The views with which tho late Ministerial party enter upon tho contest aro almost all backregarding . Tbey recite all that they have done , and wo are to infer that the future will answer to

      sample ; but inasmuch as the events of 1829 , ' 31 , ' 42 , ' 44 , and ' 46 , are not likely to occur again , inasmuch as the questions which were settled in those years are not the questions which will havo to be settled in years yet to come , we are left in tho dark as to tho applicability of the ex-Ministerial programme to probable events . The only thing which we can definitely learn is , that thoy do not seem able to get beyond the political barrier which was raised against the further progress of the mere Whi g regime in 1848 . Since that period , larger principles have been let loose to fight their battle out ; a battle for which Whig limbs and Whig weapons are too puny . The ( Economical ' . Radicals find a recognised spokesman in Mr . Cohdeu ; whoso view is , that

      the present object must he . " one more strong and united expression of opinion to establish upon au imperishable foundation fhe principle of commercial liberty ; " and Parliamentary Reform ho propones as tho next but future measure which Hhould engage the attention of the people . With all deference to Mr . Cobdcn , and the very influential _ncrsons who flock to his standard , if appears to us that he , not unnaturally , exaggerates tho instant importance of that measure with which his name ih ho peculiarly identified . It has had its importance . It is in the main so completely and

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), July 3, 1852, page 12, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_03071852/page/12/