On this page

• Text (2)

  Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

  • 

    April 3 > 1S52.] THE LEADER. 315

  • 

    CONTINENTAL NOTES. We give the text of t...

• Transcript

  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

    Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

    T.Ettehs From Paris. [Fbom Our Own Corre...

    sion for any one of these objects . This excessive centralization required some modification . There was a areat-desire that communal matters might be left to the commune ; that departmental affairs should be arranged by the conseihgeneral of the department ; and this ^ reform was called decentralisation administrative * YOU will readily conceive that the . measure decreed by L . Bonaparte is but a sham . In fact , his . decree merely removes these matters , from the central bureaux in Paris , into the hands of the prefects ; and it is well known tliat the prefects are but the servile instruments of the Government ; so that , virtually , the Government will still ' continue , to administrate for the communes . The decentralisation administrative is therefore nothing but another fraud .

    The opposition against Bonaparte is steadily increasing in the provinces . In Paris it is universal , not to say unanimous . A torrent of squibs , caricatures and pamphlets are poured upon this pauvre Sire These tit-bits of bitter satire are sedulously handed about , to the great amusement of the public This new species of warfare has provoked the malignant ire of the Government . It thunders its decrees against

    printing , like t he bear in the fable , throwing stones at the fly . One of these decrees goes on to say , that " no one , upon any pretext whatever , shall be allowed , without authority , to make use of any printing presses large small , and that the manufacturers of such presses shall be bound to give notice of the names of all purchasers . " Even the letter-copying machines in mercantile houses must be authorized . Can you conceive such a deplorable state Of things ?

    Another decree abolishes the right of association and meeting . Every meeting of more than twenty persons must be authorized by the Government . There is a wide difference between this and your meetings in England ! The transportations are still going on in every direction . The Bonapartist journal , JLa Patrie , owns that there are 6350 persons exiled to Algeria alone . Fresh arrests are taking place every day in Paris . About twenty persons were " arrested m the Faubourg St . Denis last Friday , under the ; pretext of participation in the barricades of the 4 th December . The

    Government still continues to incarcerate , without any motive being assigned , persons suspected of liberal tendencies , and who are obnoxious on that account After having been in prison . a few days , a passport is offered to them for Belgium or England ; and these unhappy men are thus exiled , though innocent . We have read of the despotism ilhtstre of Metternich ; we now feel the ingenious despotism of Louis Bonaparte . The Prince President persists in his aggressive demands on the neighbouring States . Now it is the turn of Spain to bend before his will . The Spanish Government has been compelled to summon before the tribunals , the journal , La Nation , guilty of some articles against Bonaparte .

    As to the Swiss affair , everything appears to have been definitively arranged . Louis Bonaparte , at the instanco of Lord Cowley , the English ambassador , modified liis pretensions as to the expulsion of the political refugees . He has been obliged to be satisfied with tlio promise made by the Federal Council , that it would not permit any steps to be taken on its soil , against the government of Louis Bonaparte . S .

    April 3 > 1s52.] The Leader. 315

    April 3 > 1 S 52 . ] THE LEADER . 315

    Continental Notes. We Give The Text Of T...

    CONTINENTAL NOTES . We give the text of the President ' s Speech ( alluded to «> y our Paris correspondent ) at the installation of the wcat Bodies of the Stsito .

    THE PBESIDENT ' S SPEECH . f !;^ 8115 ! ? 118 I ' Se » ATKUH 8—MesSIEUBS J . BS DEPUTES , th 1 t ^ i l < 8 l"P which the peoplo confided to mo ceases is day . . Things aro about to resume their regular course . ¦« w with a fooling of roal satisfaction that I como hero to Mnf" ? putting in practice of tho constitution , for my ™ ii i ! r i llImot y ( preoccupation ) has boon not only to rewuibiwh order , but to rondor it durable , by oudowing 7 f C 0 Wlth institutions suited to hor wants . But scarcoly int ii 5 " ! , - $° » y ° « romombor that tho more I confine ' d S ™"" ® w narrow circlo of my attributions , tho iii n l T . at <» mptod to render that circle narrower still , 1 U ™ ° <( \ T ' ivo mo of movement and action . Often '"" Waged , 1 confess it , I have thought of abandoning a

    I hZ i t much ^ ntoatod . What restrained mo was that in W ono thin f to BU «» ofl mo—anarchy ! Everywhere , fonmli So VP I »> onH , ardent to destroy , incap ' ablo of H « . y fc l >»» f ? . Thoi-o waa nowhere o ' ither an inatianv W , i V mn tocl ™ 8 to . Nowhoro a right unoontostvd , Won tl 1 <> r £ an ! zftfcion ? ftny practical system . Thoroforo , thanv ' u ii ,. " ° » 88 » sfowico of a fow courageous mon , I 1 o , ln ° to Ul ° onorgotiq attitude of the army , all w < iH , ? W . ? " ° » l' «» od in a few hours , my first caro nocini ^ T i lnHl ltutlonH « f tho people , For too long a timo att ( mn O glU " it ; fl "weondanoy . Afterwards , Franco , * "iff tlio principal proviaiona of tho conatitution which

    I submitted to her , I was permitted to create political bodies whose influence will be bo much the greater from their attributions being wisely regulated . In fact , no political institutions are durable but those which fix in an equitable manner the limit at which , each power should stop . There are no other means of arriving at a useful and beneficent application of liberty .., Examples are not remote from us . " Why , in 1814 , ditkwe ^ ee with sajtisfacfcion > iri spite of our reverses , the inauguration of the parliamentary rdfflrime ? Because the Emperor , let us not fear to confess it , had been carried on , by reason of war , to a too absolute exercise of power . Why , on the contrary , in 1851 , did iFrance applaud the fall of this same parliamentary rigimef . Because the Chambers had abused the influence which that regime had given

    them , and in desiring to rule over all things , had compromised the general equilibrium . Again , why was not France troubled by the restrictions applied to the liberty of the press and to individual liberty ? Because the one had degenerated into license , and the other , in place of being the regulated exercise of the right of every individual , had by odious excesses threatened the rights of all . The extreme danger , for democracies especially , of seeing badljrdefined institutions continually sacrificing power and liberty by turns , was perfectly wen understood by our fathers half a century ago , when , on emerging from the revolutionary tempest , and after vain experiments of all sorts of systems , they proclaimed the constitution of the year VIII .,

    which has served as a pattern for that of 1852 . Doubtless , it does not sanction all those liberties _ to the abuses even , of which we were accustomed , but it consecrates others that are truly liberties . On the morrow of a revolution , the first guarantee for a people does not consist in the immoderate use of a tribune and the press-It consists in the right to choose a government such as it likes . Now , the French nation has , perhaps for the first time , given to the world the imposing spectacle of a great people voting , in all liberty , the form of its government . Thus , the chief of the state , whom you have before you , is really the expression of the popular will . And what do I see before me ? Two chambers . One elected

    by virtue of the most liberal law that exists in the world ; the other , nominated by me , it is true , but also independent , because it is irremovable ^ Around me you see men of admitted merit and patriotism , always ready to support me by their counsels , and to enlighten ine with regard to the wants of the country . This constitution , which from this day forth will be put in practice , is not , then , the work of a vain theory and of despotism . It is the work of experience and reason . " You , g entlemen , will aid me . to . consolidate , to extend , and to improve it . I shall communicate-to the Senate and tcrthe Corps Legislatif a report ( expose" ) of the situation' of the republic . In that they will see that confidence has everywhere been re-established , that-industry has everywhere revived , and that , for the first time after a great political change , the public fortune has increased instead of haying diminished .

    Within the last four months my government has iound it possible to encourage many useful enterpr ises , to reward many services , to relieve much distress , to elevate the position of the greater part of the principal functionaries , and all that without increasing' the taxes or deranging the estimates of the budget , which we are happy to present to you balanced . Such facts , and the attitude of Europe , which has received the changes that have taken place with satisfaction , give us a well-founded hope for the security of the future . For if peace is assured at home , it is equally so abroad . Foreig n powers respect our independence , and wo have every interest to keep up the most fr iendly relations with them . So long as the honour of France shall not be engaged , the duty of the government

    will bo carefully to avoid every cause of perturbation in Europe , and to direct all our efforts towards internal ameliorations , which alone can procure the well-being of tho industrious classes , and assure tho prosperity of tho country . And now , gentlemen , at tho moment when you are patrioticall y associating yourselves with my labours , I wish frankly to express to you what will bo my conduct . People seeing mo restore the institu tions and souvenirs of the Empire have repeatedly said that I desired to restore the Empire itself . If such had been my constant anxiety , this transformation would long since have been accomplished . Neither tho means nor tho occasions have heen wanting to mo . Thus , in 1848 , when six millions of suffrages elected mo , in spito of tho Constituent , I was not refusal to in the consti

    ignorant that tho simple acquiesce - tution would have given mo a throno . But an elevation which must necessarily have produced grave disorders did not seduce mo . On the 13 th of June , 1849 , it would have been equally easy for mo to chango tho form of government— -I would not do it . Finally , on the 2 nd of December , if personal considerations had prevailed above tho gravo interests of tho country , I should have at onco asked of tho peoplo , who would not havo refused it to mo , a pompous title . I wan contonted with that which I had . Whon , thoroforo , I look fqr examples in tho Consulato an * tho Empiro , it is because there , more than any w hore olso , I find examples stamped with nationality and grandeur . Boing now , aa heretofore , resolved to do everything for France , nothing for myself , I would not accept any modification of tho present state of things , unless I woro

    constrained to do ho by an evident necessity . From whonco can that , wisp P Only from tho conduct of parties . ' If they resign thoniHolvos nothing shall bo changed . But if by thoir hidden intrigues ( aourdos nwndes ) they should seek to sap tho foundations of my government ; if f > in thoir blindness , they should deny tho legitimacy , of tho roeult of tho popular election ; if , in nhort , they by their attacks should uncoasingly put tho future prospects of tho country ia question , then , but then only , it might bo rcusonablo to ask of the peoplo , in tho namoof tho repose of Franco , a now title which might irrevocably fix upon my hoad tho power with which Franco has invested mo . But lot us not occupy ourselves beforehand with diflloultios which doubtless havo no probability about thorn . Lot us koop tho republic . That throatena no one—ifc may roasfluro everybody . Under hor banner J dosn-o to inaugurato onco

    again an era of forgetfulness and conciliation , and I call without distinction upon all those who will concur with me for the public good . Providence , which has hitherto so visibly blessed my efforts , will not permit ^ its work to remain unfinished . It will animate us all with its inspirations , and give us the wisdom and strength necessary to consolidate an order of things which will secure the happiness of our country and the repose of Europe . On Tuesday the Corps JDegislatif met in the Palais

    Bourbon , " and held a sitting in the hall devoted "to their deliberations , which commenced at two o ' clock . The board was first constituted . M . Billault , the president of the chamber , then addressed the assembly . A document was , however , communicated by him , which produced a much greater sensation than his address . This was the letter written by General Cavaignac and MM . Carnot and Henon to refuse the oath :

    To the President op the Corps Leguslatit . Monsieur le President , —The electors of Paris and Lyons came to seek us in retirement or in exile . We thank them for having thought that our names would of themselves protest against the destruction of public liberties , and the rigours of arbitrary rule . But we do not admit that they wished to send us to sit in a legislative body whose powers do not extend to repairing the violations of right . We condemn the immoral doctrine of mental reservation ( reticences et arrieres pensees ) , and we refuse tho oath required upon entering the Corps Legislatif . We beg you , M . le President , to be good enough to make this declaration known to the Assembly . —Paris , 29 th March , 1852 .

    Cavaignac . x Carnot . Henon . The following are the most striking passages in the opening speech delivered by M . Billault : — " Placed under the invocation" of the great principles of 1789 , fortified by that government spirit which marked the Consulate , these institutions have received an evident consecration by the scrutin by which we are elected—ours is the duty to infuse into thempractical life . That is tho commencement of our mission : and that mission , whatever may -be . said of it , is certainly not altogether without grandeur and authority . " We shall not , indeed , see the Legislature surrounded by parties which incessantly hold the Ministry in check ,

    compelling it to concentrate all its forces upon its own preservation and defence , and by so doing not unfrequently enervating the power of the State . Whenever , as Ministers or Deputies , we may employ these Parliamentary tactics , it is to business now'that we shall be obliged to consecrate them—serious and practical . business , This ia our part in the Constitution * It consists in voting tho taxes , the discussion of the budget and of the laws . It implies not merely the right of deliberating freely and publicly , of adopting or rejecting , but also that of amendment , no longer , undoubtedly , with the same facilit y of improvisation , against which previous Assemblies vainly endeavoured to defend themselves , but with a degree of maturity which can only prove fatal to Utopian projects . " Marshal Jerome Bonaparte opened the sitting of the Senate with an address , of which tho following 1 are tho ective view of the

    principal passages : —Ho took a retrosp past , and stated that the regime of the Empire was so powerfully constituted- that its overthrow could only bo brought about by a general coalition of the European Powers , which in thei r turn were aided by treachery . Ho spoke next of the coup & 6 tat of 1851 , ancl explained it bv the prestige of the name of Napoleon , which name , according to his ideas , is tho personification , of order and liberty at home , of independence , of national dignity , and of g reatness abroad . Tho act of the 20 th December sprung from rospect for tho only sovereign—the people—and for the advantago of tho people alone was it consummated . Ho declared further that tho period of tho Dictatorship had now reached its termination , and ho pointed out that the Constitution was open to improvements . It contained but a limited number of principles , which sprung from tho various institutions of Franco .

    Ho next pointed out tho duties of tho Senate That Assembly waa not called upon to make tho laws j its character , influence , and functions woro essentially consorvative and moderating . Nevertheless , that Assembly possessed a right of proposing draughts of laws of groat national ontorest . Ho intreatod tho inembcra of tho Senate to show energy , and he laid groat stress upon that word , but ho exhorted them also to moderation and clemency . ( It ia presumed that those words refer to a demand for an amncaty of widen ifc is eupposcrl that it is to be preferred Marahal concluded his

    by the Sonate . ) The Joromo speech by stating that ho believed his political career was terminated ; but when tho President appealod to hia patriotism and hia devotion , and that , too , after so many years of oxilo and of vicissitudes , and whon Providence seemed to decree that ho , tho last of tho Senators of tho Empire , should bo tho first among tho Senators of the now reign ( riqimc ) , ho had felt happy to accept tho place , and to bo , aa it wore , tho connecting link which chains tho piiafc to tho present . '

    Tho Monitour of Tuesday published a decree ordering the erection of [ a Crystal palace in tho great aquaro of tho Champs Elyfldos , to aorvo aa a permanent builaing for tho Exhibitiona of national industry and other public purposes , including civil and military ltStoa and ceremonies . Tho Minister of tho Interior ia ordered to report to tho PreBidont of the Itopublio as to tho boat moana of execution . It was ovon aaid at Paris that tho govornmont was in troaty with Moaara . * Fox and Hondorson for tho purchase of thoir building . Tho text of tho docweo runa thua : — Louis Napoleon , President of tho French Bopublio ; considering that there dooa not exist in Paris any edifice adapted for public exhibitions which can respond to what w required by national fooling , by tho magnificence of art

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), April 3, 1852, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_03041852/page/7/