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    200 The Leader and Saturday'Analyst. [Ma...

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    The Intentions Of France And Russia. /Ce...

    In this case , as in the former , we have had two versions , and the last—that of the Debnts—is the most probable . According to this , no positive threat is offered to Sardinia ,: but simply a negative one- —that of withdrawing French troops . This would not be inconsistent with the Emperor ' s speech on opening his Chambers , in which he says , " I have not hesitated to declare to the King of Sardinia , that while I left . 'him full liberty of action , I could not follow hirn in a policy which had the disadvantage of appearing in the eyes of Europe to be based on a desire to absorb all the States of Italy . " If YictokEmjukdel rejects the advice to respect the " Autonomy of Tuscany , " Austria may fancy the

    French guarantee at an end , and may endeavour to occupy Tuscany or the Komagna , in which case , even without French aid , she ' roight be worsted ; and if she were successful , it could not be for the interest of Louis Napoleon to stand aloof , and allow the blood of Magenta and Solferino to be shed in vain . The proposition to make a child ( the Duke of Genoa ) King of Tuscany , looks as if it were made to be rejected , as it would be displeasing to the Italians , and could not satisfy Austria . Unless' the TuotrvEXJEX despatch has been published in a spirit of inexplicable hypocrisy , the King of Sardinia is assured of safety , even if he rejects the new scheme . This , we think , is evident from a consideration of its contents . ¦

    M . Thouvenel writes with a degree of dignity and selfrespect that was never seen in the State papers of Count Walewski , and his tone is rather that of a constitutional minister than of a mere flunkey of absolutism , capable of eating any artiount of dirt for , a sufficient consideration . He reminds the Austrian Government that , after the interview at Tillafranca the Emperor of the French said , '' The principal object of the war is attained—Italy is about to become , for the first time ,-a nation . yenetia , it is true , is to remain under the sceptre of Austria ; but she will , nevertheless , be an Italian province . " It is impossible to regard

    tins allusion in . any other light than that of a complaint against Austria , who ,, instead of permitting Yenetia to be an , Italian province , has poured' out iipon that unhappy district a flood- of military brutality , in the vain-hope of extinguishing every Italian thought and laspiration . Speaking of the dynasties -which have not been restored , and of those which remained in possession , IVI . Thouvenel throws the blame upon them , arid complains that the latter " did not accomplish any of the refoiuns which the Emperor had in view ; " that the Austrian Government was silent as to its " generous intentions" in Yenetia ; that " tho Duke of Modenadesired to return bv force to his States ; " and

    that "the Grand Duke of Tuscany waited so . long before adopting a resolution which the interests of his house pressed him to adopt . without' delay , that an Assembly met and proclaimed his deposition . " By such conduct M . Tiiouvenel declares the situation was " gravely compromised" -when the Zurich negotiations were opened . The French minister further reminds the Austrian Government of the efforts made to induce the Italians to take back their potentates , and the failure of these endeavours , which brought France " before an hypothesis which the Court of Vienna long knew she neither could nor would accept—that of the employment" of force to impose a solution . "

    M . Tiiouvenejq goes on to show that Austria could not be permitted ! to employ force to restore the abolished dynasties , and inquires , " . " Could France , in her turn , without violating her principles , do violence to the populations ? " ^ Reiterating the statement , that Franco persevered in usin » ' moral efforts , which were all she promised , ho reminds Austria that , without asking her to approve of what has taken place , she cannot expect it to be absolutely condemned by a Government based on universal suffrage , and proceeds to point out tlfnt . continued opposition to the will of the Italian people would cause monarchical ideas to be replaced by those of another kind .

    -Laying down the position , that the employment of foreign force is excluded , M . Tjkouvexel supports the English proposals , and protests against the supposition that France dosh'cs to replace Austrian influence by her own . 'He then urges Austria , if she cannot npprovo of what is jiraoticable , at least to withdraw active opposition , and thus remove all cause of conflict with France . In conolusion ,, ho promises another despatch about the llomagna , and deplores that the Court of Home has rejected , all useful advice , and allowed things to come to this present pass , but declares that ; France will endeavour to promote any solution less radical than the dismemberment of the Papal States , " on con-, dition that the principle of non-intervention on the pavtof foreign powers is maintained . "

    This despatch wns written on the 81 st January , ami it is , of com'se , possible , that the French Government has changed ita mind in the interim ; but its publication at the pvosent moment is a res-enunciation of tho liberal principles it contains , trod would provoke a more abundant and bitter hostility ft those principles wore to bo violated , —a supposition which is tho more iinpro *

    bable becaitse inconsistent with the Emperor's speech . The whole tenor and probable object of this document is to encourage Italy , assure Europe , and place Austria in a dilemma . She camnot in reason refuse the solution offered , and . if she accepts it is bound to give securities that she will not disturb the peace , either by direct action or by a continuance of assistance to tho King of Naples and the Pope . * We regret to see that Lord John Russell exhibits so little courao-e and straightforwardness when speaking in the House Court of ViennaHis

    of Commons on the conduct of the . explanations on Wednesday were not the whole truth ; and any reader of the " correspondence" just published is aware that he did not obtain from Austria , as he told the House , a promise not to employ force beyond her own boundaries ; and it is ridiculous to describe the attitude of armed expectation which Austria avows she is keeping up in the hope of finding a good time for action , " as a great gain and . security for the peace of Europe . " Lord John Kussell knows perfectly well that he has gained nothino-of the kind , and that it is the fear of French cannon ,

    and not the blandishments of Whig palaver , that for the moment keeps the Hapsbukg myrmidons in check . It is not enough for his Lordship to be liberal with intermissions and valiant in fits . England has a right , to expect firm , consistent conduct ; and the tone of the letters . ire felt it our duty to praise last week ought , in common manliness and honesty , to be followed up by an uncompromising denunciation of the Jesuitical tricks and fraudulent schemes , by which the Austrian Government is endeavouring to excite a European conflagration , in the hope that , like Charles Lamb's "Ho-ti , she mav roast her diplomatic pig in the expensive blaze .

    We concur with his Lordship's hope , that the Emperor of the French will give up his scheme , of . annexing ! N . ic : e and Savoy , because , to persist in such a plan would assist-Austria : in her endeavours to entangle the whole of Germany in a crusade against France , and would alienate from his Government much valuable English support . At any rate ,-we have an . assurance which ouo-ht to alky unreasonable fears , for in his speech the Emperor declares that he will not seek the additional territory by objectionable nieans ^ but by " exposing the' question frankly to the Great Powers . " '¦; . ' ¦ ;

    ' If Lours Napoleon surveys his position with his customary intelligence , he will perceive that he has already quite enemies enough , and that the Austro-Jesuit and Bourbon conspiracy against his Government will easily be made formidable by any important mistake . The Society of St . Vincent Paul , whirh is in league against Mm , ramifies all over France , and has its adherents in England and other countries of Europe . He may afford . to despise reactionary cabals while the intelligvnce and the democracy of France are with him , . or . not against him ; but the betrayal of Italy would be the signal for republican plots , and the pursuit of schemes of aggression might lead to is insuch

    a dangerous European coalition . He . n ' position that he may count upon a splendid success if he continue to act fairly , but in ivhich nothing would be so perilous as betraying himself . His rival and enemy , Austria , must yield if his own errors do not strengthen her . hands . Her State Council is composed of incorrigible blunderers , and her Emperor knows nothing , ' and lenrns nothing-, that , for his own safety , an absoluto sovereign ought to -know . The time , he gives to State affairs is . for tho most part occupied in idle formalities ; and it is only a few days ago that ho alarmed one of his adherents who obtained an interview , by asking whether the British Parliament had vet met ! On learning that his

    visitor had not soon n newspaper since he left England he commended his prudence , and declared that ho never read them , himself .. What the Jesuit priests think is good for him he learns , and it is understood that his haughty intractable disposition renders it perilous for any ono to propose reforms . It , is not before suoh an opponent , bankrupt alike in intellect and cash , tliat the Fronoh Emporor will quail while his own reason is clear ; but we wish w < 5 could seo in the English Government -more symptoms of a desire to yrpnioto tho reconstruction of the elements of the Austrian empire , instead of vain and mischiovous oilbvts to >

    sustain an edifice of tyranny aijd corruption , which will bo a source of danger until it is ' pulled down and carted away . 11 ' English diplomacy can settle the Italian question without fresh disturbance of the peace upon just and sound foundations , wo should bo foremost in giving it praise ; but we avo sick of efforts merely to delay a catustropho that cannot bo averted , and feel that it would be the soundest policy to join Franco in bringing suoh apwssurc to boar upon Austria as would speedily rcliovo ' Europe from a most unoomfortable mid expensive suspense . Whilo this question ia unsettled , no merchant knows the value of his stock * Today it is up—to-morrow it is down , not in consequonco or any legitimate oommeroial causes , but because an effete and pestilent

    200 The Leader And Saturday'analyst. [Ma...

    200 The Leader and Saturday ' Analyst . [ March 3 , 1860 .

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), March 3, 1860, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_03031860/page/4/