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    720 ffifje UtabCV. [Saturday,

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    MR. CONINGHAM'S LECTURE AT BRIGHTON. Gen...

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    Berlin Correspondence. Berlin, July 2.'F...

    for all . In the Saxon Voigtland the traveller Will observe the rich foliage pleasantly interspersed with new red chimneys that rise on all sides above limes and beeches ; red-tiled clanking mills and factories , not without ambitious architecture , skirt the outsides of towns , and account for the shining white villas that look with a coquettish air from the adjoining hills ; and young ladies in railway-carriages complain of the increasing smokiness of their towns . Leipzig has surrounded itself with a belt of palaces . A net of railways , with comfortable second and even third class carriages , and cheap travelling made use of by bands of rural labourers , and caravans of chattering

    market-women , traverse the country in all directions ; and even in the dreary sandy plain , which stretches with leaden dulness from Leipzig onwards to this northern city of the desert , the barren sand has not only been made to grow corn , green crops , forest trees ; but also industrious establishments , clothmaking towns , red-brick creations have arisen , hives of human activity . And so we have arrived at Berlin . But , alas ! here our eyes involuntarily meet " the thorn at our feet . '' Not that this great and remarkable city did not show its share of activity , of prosperity ; quite the contrary ; perhaps none more so . But we have come here to head quarters , to one of the chief head quarters of the national body ; and here we naturally inquire , What does the head

    devise ? how does the head guide and concentrate the uses of such vast , wide-scattered limbs ? And the answer we receive and see is , That the seat of the great Elector , of the great King , is filled by Frederic William IV ., an amiable , accomplished Prince , as everybody says , exemplary in all private relations of life ; a patron of religion , of literature , of the arts and sciences ; a man of wit , of learning , of imagination , of many talents j only , it is always added , it is a pity that he should have to be King in these times ! Yes , it is a pity ; the more so as here in Prussia the word and will of a King is still all-powerful ; that he commands by his will , or by his whim , an army of soldiers , an army of administrators , | bureaucrats , and a whole people with an instinctive' respect for royal authority .

    Ihere is no denying that the unhappy part the Prussian Government has played in these eventful years is in great part owing to the personal character of the King . And , moreover , by some strange destiny , all his faults , mistakes , and perversities arise out of what might , wisely applied , be fruitful virtues . Thus he is possessed by a strong conviction of the greatness of his kingly office , of his responsibility to God , of his own direct duty to care for and rule his people ; but the mode in which this estimable feeling operates is through a cloudy belief in Grace-of-God Kingship ; so that it is no rare occurrence when he has heard the deliberate advice of the assembled

    council on important matters , for him to say to them : — " Yes , gentlemen , that is your honest opinion , I have no doubt , come to by the best of your judgment ; but we Kings receive our inspirations differently , and from a higher source , and I have resolved thus—;" and so Ministers have to act thus against the best of their judgment ; for it must be said , again , though it may not easily be understood in England , that the King here is still all-powerful , and lie regards his Minister as his superior clerk .

    Again , the King is religious , a very good quality in any man or King ; but , strange to say , this most Protestant potentate , the very basis of whoso house , crown , history , and people rests on Protestantism , is full of Roman Catholic tendencies and appetites ; a hater of private judgment , a believer in spiritual authority , in traditions , lbrntiH , symbols ; and , if not a Catholic , then a first-rate Pusoyite , as indeed his Bpirltmad double and bosom friend Radowitz , himself a pious and obedient child of the Roman Church , has , in his " political and religious conversations , " expressed great hopes of the ultimate outcomings that lie as yet hidden in English Puseyism . The King is

    religious ; wishes to make his people so ; and the way he sots about it is , to get his police to enforce a " bitter observance of the . Sunday . " , So , as the papers relate , a poor weaver who , with the produce of a small field , ekes out his weaving existence , is clutched at and fined by the zealous police for working a little in that field of his on a Sunday . And here in Berlin your unfortunate ; correspondent had last Sunday to forego his daily post-prandial cup of coffee and " frangipani" at Kmnzler ' s—because of a * ' 20 dollars fine for allowing such a thing during Divine service" ( afternoon service ) . Hut—and this also is characteristic of things Governmental

    heretho police having , as usual , been over-ollieious , outstepped their duty , have received counter intructions , and have since been to various shops and places to whisper in a private , oflicial manner , that it was a m istake , that if they would only lean their doors to , that would bo enough , they need not' ahut them . Many are tho stories told by wicked Jlerlinors of officious policemen bound upon this religious service . One constable" pustung a barber ' H shop with door open on n Sunday morning , stepped on tho threshhold and began blustering on tlve greatness of the offence , when lo ! hi « oflicial eyes fell upon tho lathered face of a superior " constable" undergoing ih © criminal operation of being shared " during Diyino

    service" ! Whereupon the inferior " constable' withdrew , hiding his diminished head before the lathered

    one . Frederic William is not without sympathies for great ideas . The unity of Germany , with Prussia at the head , such as friend Radowitz had drawn it up beautifully up on paper , would have been . greatly to his liking if it could have been accomplished by " tremendous cheers , " and without offence to Austria . For this also is a curious and somewhat perverse feature in . a Hohenzollern—a feeling of pious reverence towards the Imperial house of Austria , the historical head of Germany . " Sire , " said a learned professor , and respected friend of ours once to the King , " if this pious reverence ( Pietat ) towards Austria is so intense , why not return Silesia to her ?"

    This singular King , now , with his perverse virtues and various sympathies , is beset and alternately influenced by two parties , who , though both " reactionary , " hate each other cordially , the Bureaucrats and the Younkres . For as to the other two parlies in the State ( who , however , had never any influence at Court ) , the Democrats have withdrawn , biding their time , and the Constitutionalists are under a cloud of ill-success . The Bureaucrats , then the officials , or as you would say the Red-tapist party , are headed by the prime minister , Manteuffel ; and the Younkrea , or Squires , have Gerlach , Bismark , Schonhausen , and others of the aristocratic kindred for

    leaders ; Professors Stahl and Leo for prophets ( Radowitz is a liberalizing sectarian from that school ); and the Kreutz-zeitung ( edited by Dr . Wagener , an Irvingian " angel" ) for gospel . This latter is in many respects a very remarkable journal . Able , zealous , full of pluck , ever ready with a wherefore for a why ; mostly , too , basing its argument upon premises which few wise men will gainsay ; holding up authority against revolutionism ; natural historical growth , and development against paper constitutions , Government by law and through the superior mensuperior by birth , by substance , by influence and standing in the community , against redtapish absolutism on one side , and mere numerical

    majority on the other . But the special , practical conclusion arrived at does not always answer to the abstract , general principle started from . Moreover , the -party , the squires , allow the high argument of their able organ—and look mainly to the power , the loaves ., and fishes , which it is to argue into their hands . Thus Coleridge provided English parsons with a transcendental philosophy which , thbugh not understood or cared for , was accepted , because honours and preferments with a philosophy are things to be thankful for . Squirarchal dominion , founded upon an " historical school of politics , " taught by Swiss Haller , expounded by feudal Gerlachs , by learned Stahls and Leos , with profitable places and exemption from taxes for one ' s estates , is highly ^ acceptable to reactionary Younkers , " ready to die for their King . "

    A case which is now agitating the country will illustrate my meaning . Previous to ' 48 Prussia had " Provincial Estates , " composed of nobles and large landed proprietors ( Ritterguts besitzer , possessors of knights' estates , who need not , however , be nobles themselves ) , who represented themselves , had what is termed viril-votes , and delegates from town and country . These " Estates" ( that is , Stiindc , social classes , as contradistinguished from the modern system of representation of numbers ) consulted and advised , but had not the power to legislate , on such matters as the Central Government chose to lay before tliem . With tlie introduction of the constitution these " Estates" vanished ; the laws regarding them were by one article of the constitution expressly repealed .

    The last Assembly voted a property and income tax ; and since ' 48 there has also been named a law which makes " Knights' Estates" ( Rittergiiter ) , subject to the land-tax , from which a great number of these had been hitherto exempt ( originally because the knights to whom theso lands belonged paid their taxes to the state by personal service , as soldiers , Sec ) . These laws are to be executed , to be put in a train of action . The question is , by what machinery ? Out comes a Ministerial ordinance , resuscitating the Provincial Estates , as the fit machinery to get these laws into working condition , followed , as was natural , by horror and indignation on tho part of Constitutionalists . It is illegal , unconstitutional ; you have no power

    to do it ; Representative Assemblies and Provincial Estates cannot exist together . You ' have solemnly Hworn to the constitution ; you cannot revive the Estates in that way , & e . & c . Noble , constitutional Viuke—and other constitutional nobles , with virilvotes at those same Estates , remonstrate themselves against it , will not come , though called—eorno only to protest , and then withdraw indignantly ; nay , two high functionaries , prefects or presidents of provinces , on whom devolved the duty to call these Estates , remonstrate also . Tho Government , meanwhile startled by tm « h grave opposition , tries to sooth tho storm . "Don't be alarmed , gentlemen , " sa y » the Ministerial organ ; there is no harm meant ; it ih only provisionally—just for this one little service , to introduce and orgtmijco these laws . " " Provisionally i "

    thunders the Kreutz-zeitung , which pretends t o higher authority than either Ministers or their organ , «• such thing ! You Ministers , dull bureaurocrats , do n ' t know your own minds . The Provincial Estates are the ancient historical institution ; though in abeyance , they exist ;_ no power in the State , not th e King himself , ever had the right to abolish them . Your sworn constitution is a creature of the revolu tion , a child of sin : what right to respect or authority has it ? Let the Estates meet , and they shall decide what

    next . They are our historically grown tree , with its roots stretched deep and wide in our soil . " Amen say the squires ; let us have the Estates again . True when we had them , we cared not for them- —clamoured ourselves for a constitution in their stead ; but they are historical , and we have a decided majority in them ; can manage thereby to lay th e new taxes as heavily as we like on the towns , and as lightly as possible on our estates ; and altogether take the sting out of that democratic financial

    measure . This is my illustrative case ; which , seeing my letter has already grown to such unreasonable length , I must leave thus abruptly in your hands , merely adding , as a piece of news and historical fact , that the above-mentioned remonstrating two high functionaries have been superseded and replaced by men of the Kreuz-zeitung ; and also , as a piece of court gossip , the on dit that one of the said high functionaries , the Count Auerswald , President of the Rhenish provinces , was set a remonstrating by her Royal Highness the Princess of Prussia , who also resides on the Rhine , being on terms of cordial hatred with the court he * e , and said to be a high-spirited lady , of Liberal politics , and patroness of Constitutionalists .

    But the above historical fact , independent of the gossip , being interpreted , signifies , that for the present the Younker party are in the ascendant , and carry it even over Ministers . For the present , for there is no telling whether to-morrow , or next week , friend Radowitz , or liberal Humboldt , or some other liberal person of genius who has the King ' s ear ( for the King has sympathies with all genius , even with Democratic Bettina ) , may not turn the tide in another direction , and cause " counter-instructions" to go forth to the effect " that doors need not be shut ; leaning to would be sufficient . " —J . N .

    720 Ffifje Utabcv. [Saturday,

    720 ffifje UtabCV . [ Saturday ,

    Mr. Coningham's Lecture At Brighton. Gen...

    MR . CONINGHAM'S LECTURE AT BRIGHTON . Gentlemen " , —Although differing widely , perhaps , upon other questions of social or political oeconomy , we meet here this evening on the common ground of cooperative association . Before proceeding with my lecture , and to prevent any misconception , I will first endeavour to define some few of the terms which I shall use . Permit me , in the first place , to point out the

    difference between Association and Communism , terms which are often strangely confounded with each other , but have , in fact , a meaning perfectly distinct , with little or nothing in common . The Communists exclude the principle of individual property , or severalty , as it is called ; and assume that every one has an equal right to an equal share of the common stock . Communism being , in fact , the principle of equnlity enforced by a more or less absolute authority .

    Cooperative Association , or concert in the division of labour , on the other hand , is in no way incompatible or hostile to individual liberty and the right of possession . It serves to adjust the proportional division of profits between capital , labour , and talent , and between the employers and the employed , in a more equitable manner than under the existing system of industrial organization ; where the many who do the work have no interest in tho enterprise , except to fulfil their contract and to earn their wages : the price of their labour being adjusted by hostile competition—one aide demanding as much , and the other paying as little aa possible .

    Tho difference between Association and Communism may be illustrated thus : —If three persons were each to subscribe one , two , or three hundred pounds—in three unequal proportions—making a total of £ ( 500 , on the Communistic principle , tho profits must still be divided in equal portions between them ; ^ hile , on the principle of association , their respective shares would be—one-sixth for the first , two-sixths for the second , and three sixths for the third . In short , tho difference between association and communism , is the difference between tho practicable and the impracticable—between voluntary cooperation and involuntary community .

    There ia a nother term about which the moat extraordinary misapprehension prevails . I alludo to tho term Socialism . The adjective " social , " in Jolinson ' n dictionary ( tho substantive was probably unknown to the worthy doctor ) , is defined " as relating to tl ><; general or public interest ; relating to society . Thus Socialism , properly speaking , is tho study of the public interest , or tho science of social uwoiioiny ; and in this sense , Turgot , Adam Smith , I ) avi < l Ricunio , Robert Peel , and otuort Mill , ure all Socialists . Now that Sociuliam has become a party watchword , of vague and most uncertain meaning , it may bo desirable to avoid misnpprehenaion on tho subject .

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 2, 1851, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_02081851/page/4/