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Leader (1850-1860), 2nd June 1860, Edition 2 of 2, Page 5, June 2, 1860.J The Leader and Saturday A...

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      Madras Minute.—Otheft Fruits. The "First...

      more likely , ultimately , to strengthen than endanger our power . Oentlemen at Calcutta say , " England ' s mission is to conquer and civilize . " * . ' Irresistible as the waves of the ocean rolls on the tide of European conquest , in . the East . " " There is no middle course left for England . " " Our boundaries may extend eastward to the Chinese sea , and westward to the Caspian and the Xievant . " The new arrangement of the map of Europe , which has lately attracted some attention to the possible ambition of Prance , is mean and low , compared to the grand and noble ambition of conquering and civilizing the whole of Asia . For a despot this might be reasonable ; in a free people it is sheer madness . We are not surprised that it meets with checks , that it inspires alarm , and provokes opposition . The officials at Calcutta , who

      have to administer this system under the pretext of providing for the welfare of the natives , live in dread of its collapse . For this Sir C . Trevelyan is not responsible , but his reprehension of fiscal rapacity , of waste and extravagance , had it reached ductile and sagacious minds , might have prevented—not the dread , for that is born of the system , but the actual realization of it in further rebellion . The Minute has undoubtedly annoyed the infallibles both at home and in India , and if it have made them less confident in their schemes , it will in the end do an immensity of good . Everywhere now , mankind , enlightened by much experience , have their eyes on politicians ; and the mock Liberals , who profess to promote liberty and stifle by violence the first breath of hostile criticism , will fare worse in the general estimation than avowed despots ! ¦ ' ..-.

      June 2, 1860.J The Leader And Saturday A...

      June 2 , 1860 . J The Leader and Saturday Analyst . ... 513

      The Speech Of Cayour. S Ardinia Offers A...

      THE SPEECH OF CAYOUR . S ARDINIA offers at this moment the spectacle of a small State exercising a powerful influence over the condition of Europe , and it ought to gratify the pride :, of every Italian heart to find all civilized countries listening with respectful eagerness to the declarations of Cavour . While Garibaldi , who more than any man in ; recent times has realized the - popular idea = of a jpatriotsoldier , holds the world fii breathless anticipation of the triumphs his military genius is to achieve , Cavouk speaks the voice of tire hopes "¦ and- aspirations of-Italy , and-while , counselling

      a bitter sacrifice as an act of expedient necessity ,-points stedfastly to that complete emancipation of Italy which has so few supporters amongst the Governments of Europe , ¦ although "in every land the people hope that its realization will be accomplished . If any Englishman asked What his country was about at so momentous a crisis , the natural , the instinctive answer would . be that the . cause of freedom and human right possessed in her a strenuous and powerful ally . Such would , be the natural position of Great Britain ; but the mysterious iniquities of diplomacy , the weakness of her statesmen , the wortlilessness ^ vg-l > A « - ^ mmflnrnifld- J ? ni-liamcnt . and the pernicious influence of

      unfortunately true , and greatly as Lord Joiii ^ preferred as foreign Minister to any of his predecessors in recent times , he has continued hidebound in the Treaty of Vienna , and afraid of avowing his sympathy with those national aspirations which are the hope and the glory of Italy , and constitute the strength of Cavour . It is a strange absurdity that the Government of free England should be against the emancipation of Italy , while that of despotic France should have rendered invaluable aid . A wiser and more liberal policy would precipitate a few -dowager Whigs into the Tory ranks , and would draw upon Lord John the auimosity of the German petty prince cabal , but it would make lain the most powerful and

      Hussell is to be the pence-at-auy-price school have rolled us back from the leadership of . liberty and civilization , and made the influence of England closely resemble the influence of the Czau . It is a bitter disgrace that CavoUR should have been able to say with truth , that ¦ " while England had the greatest sympathies with the development of our liberty at home , she had no heart for our national aspiratipns ; her excessive regard for the territorial arrangements of 1815 forbade her to assist us in the emancipation of Italy . In France , on the other hand , we found not only sympathy , but a disposition to give us efficient support . " ' Up to ' -the "hour-at which those words were spoken they were

      popular minister England has had for many a day , and would give him tenfold strength to deal with the question of parliamentary reform . English influence is of necessity lowered by the unmanly course we liuvo pursued , and every exhibition of weakness or incapacity on our part has given a corresponding strength to the might of Imperial France . No jculousy of our . great neighbour should make us grudge her the authority she is entitled to as the legitimate consequence of great services rendered , while wo had not even good words to givo ; but every Englishman must grudge that further honour which' is gained by Trance , not by her own action , but by our abdication of the right and renunciation of the duty to be a lender in the world ' s progress tow-orris that liberty which constitutes the life of nations .

      Count Cavour reminded the Sardinian Chamber that , although " France is , in general , said to have sympathies with Italy , Italy had influential enemies in that country—not only the Legitimists , but also the Orleanists , " Xes , ' the Orleanists , who are still the favom-ites of the English Court . A cordial alliance with France is impossible , while the British Government will sustain no ideas or principles that the wiser portion of the French nation can approve . A German paper has created a sensation by publishing- an alleged conversation between the French Minister at Berlin and Baron Schleikitz , respecting an alleged correspondence between our Piuxcb Consort and the Prince of Prussia , discussing , plans hostile to Xapoleon

      III . ; and there can be no doubt that the Tones arc desirous to join the despotic powers in a league against France , and would , if they regained power and office , take steps likely to bring on a general war , with England on the wrong side Cavocr was right when lie spoke of the Emperor's influence over France as having bounds , and of the necessity of his conciliating French interests , by obtaining some recompense for the costly assistance afforded to Italy . The way this was done may ha open to serious objection , but , at any rate , a portion of the blame rests upon the- English Cabinet , whose opposition to the movement for the emancipation of Italy from the Austrians gave , additional strength to the Legitimist and Odeanist enemies of the Empire , and discouraged the effort- * in which the friends of liberty were

      engaged . It is most short-sighted policy to permit the moral influence of England to fall almost -to-zero , ¦ 'when every nerve should be strained . to make conviction supersede force , or at any rate to cause the balance of forces to be directed towards a beneficial result . Count Gavour uttered a cry of warning well worth attention when lie s ' aid > " The condition of Europe , is abnormal . In the East , and in the centre of the Continent , we see the clouds " gathering : there is peace in men ' s words and war in their actions ; parliaments vote the increase of armies ; princes prepare for war , and the . ' . . nations , oiily-complain that these preparations are not . -extensive enough . " The truth of this picture is-beyond . dispute , .-and England - . herself is hard at work

      fabricating unplemeiits of destruction . We have floating batteries ^ but sinking principles , We prepare Ami strong aiu ^ WniTwortii cannon , but . have no rational purposes or objects for such weapons to support . What arc English interests .. in the sense in wliich- the words are used by our " governing class ? Everybody would agree that it would be our interest to defend our shores if . they were attacked , but no attack would come unless we were , or were fully expected to be , opponentsoi some great scheme that other Powers desired to carry ; out . Hence w-ar against England , if it come at all , must begin , so far as its cause is concerned ,, away from borne . In the East , as in Europe , tlnn irTmTT 3 Hbe- ^ -m *^ 4 » ff ^^^ something which somebody else is determined to efleet .

      Unfortunately , Whig and Tory politics are much . the same —like scarlatina and scarlet fever they differ in degree rather than in principle , although . the latter is by far the most dangerous disease . Taking our chance of the-combinations that our ^ Cabinets may contain , it may be said that we may ( quarrel about territorial or dynastic questions , but that we are sure not to quarrel on behalf of the rights of nations—not for Italy , not for Hungary , not for the German people , not for so much freedom ' on ' the Panubo as would check the aggressions oi llussia , but perhaps for sonic rags of the Treaties of J 815 , for some old-fashioned notion about propping up Turkey and sacrificing Moldo-Wallachin and Benin , or it may be on behalf of the miserable sovereigns who endanger the lUiinc . These arc the chances , or mischances , that arc open to us , while the people arc too drowsy to dictate a national policy that Europe must

      respect . The idea of keeping Europe quiet that wo may spin cotton in peaep is ludicrous , if we look at the conflict of interests and principles that is going on . No roul peace can conn ; until the primary causes of discontent arc : removed . Cavouk knows that the Italian question must be fought out . "Mnntua and Verona , " he says , " with their strong disciplined garrisons , will never bu taken by a popular movement . Therefore I reject the policy of isolation . It is not a question of feeling , but of necessity ; to maintain our position we require the French alliance . " In conclusion , the Simlininu minister exclaimed , "As . for . the future , you know ,

      avnUenu'U , / how deeply"X ' feel for the Ycnc'tinns , how much 1 desire to sec them liberated and joined to Italy ; still I pledge my word before you ^ and Europe that if I could liberate Vcnotro by sacrificing onu span of Italian territory— ' ¦ Geuqa , or Sardinia , or whatever else , I would indignantly reject such an exchange . This is no doubt sincere ? , but if England- places obstacles w the way of the national movement , and holds out to l < ranee the possibility of her aiding a German prince coalition in lnvour ot Austria and against the Empire established at Funs , such con-

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), June 2, 1860, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_02061860/page/5/