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    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

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      420 The Leadib. [No. 471, April 2, 1859....

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      Imperial Parliament. Monday, March 21. C...

      IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT . Monday , March 21 . Cw the House of Lords a petition in favour of the ballot was presented by Lord GAarPBELi ,, from ratuitpn . His lordship was inclined . to support the prayer ; Though satisfied with the present system of voting he did not view the ballot with alarm . . THE STATE OF EUROPE . L . ord Clarendon , in moving for the instructions given to Lord Cowley in his recent mission to Vienna , asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs as to the results of that mission , and for some statement on the present condition of European affairs . The mission of Lord Cowley had been fully appreciated , for the Emperor of Austria had expressed his willingness to withdraw his troops from the Legations simultaneously with France , and had declared that he had no intention of invading Piedmont , but was ready with France and Europe to inalce representations to the Papal Government to modify admitted evils . He thought that , as a preliminary step to the meeting of the Congress , a reduction of military armaments ought to be made imperative . —

      The Earl of Matmesburt stated that in undertaking his late mission to Vienna , Lord Cowley had been fettered by no conditions ; everything had been left to his own discretion . The result , however , had been to place the question on such' a footing that a pacific solution of all the points in dispute might be anticipated , arid an amicable termination of all the pending controversies was hoped for within the lapse of another month . It was not , however , yet agreed what details the Congress should discuss . As the question so nearly concerned the social and political condition of Italy , he considered that the Italian States , one and all ^ should havethe means of speaking on the subject . Although a disarmament was not agreed to , both Austria and Piedmont had declared that they would abstain from all hostilities . the Evidence

      The Vexatious Indictments Bill and by Commission Bill passed through committee . The Railway Tickets Transfer Bill was read a second time . The Companies'Act ( 1859 ) Bill , the Medical Act ( 1858 ) Amendment Bill , and Oaths Act Amendment Bill were read a third tune and passed . Their lordships adjourned at five minutes to seyen o ' clock . : VOTE OP WANT OF CONFIDENCE . In the House of Commons , Mr . O . Stanley said that after the statement of the Attorney-General for Ireland , the adoption of Lord John Russell ' s resolution must be considered tantamount to a vote of want of confidence in the ministry ; he therefore announced his intention to withdraw the resolution in that ; sense of which he had given " notice . THE REFORM BILL .

      Mr . P . Griffith : put his question as to the spirit in which . Government will receive the adoption of Lord John UusseU ' s resolution . —The Chancellor of the Exchequer thought he had reason to complain of the licence taken in . the proposition of a question , which transcended the fair bounds of inquiry aa addressed to ministers , whose measure was still under discussion . At the proper time he should be ready to explain and justify the policy of . t } he Governr ment .

      TUB AT > JOTJRNEP JDBBATE . Mr . E . James supported the resolution proposed by Lord J . Russell , commenting upon the ihsuffiLcency of the ministerial nieasure . The various franchises created under the bill , While adding considerably to the aggregate mass of the constituency , would in reality give occasion for an extensive manufacture of votes , which might bo converted to the worst purposes of faction . Tracing the results of the vote which the house was now called upon to give , ho declared , amidst great laughter and loud cheers , that although the present bill could not pass , and the existing Government had forfeited public confidence , yet that no administration which Lord John Russell could form would enjoy a larger share of support , if its members were meroly nominated

      bill on the second : reading ; but if a sense of honom and duty should lead the Government to consider the resolution as equal to the rejection of their mea sure , and they should act accordingly , thev nrnal meet their fate . ( Cheers . ) I have not , and I am sure they will admit it , taken any factious course In opposition to them . ( Hear , hear ;) I have not desired their overthrow , and I do not now desire it but if they think fit to meet their fate they must en '* counter all the danger as well as all the difficulties ( Hear . ) Our course , however , is plain . " \ Ve must do our duty , while we remain here the

      representatives of the people of this country , to that noble people whom we represent . ( Cheers . ) We shall be ready at all times to give an account of the manner in which we have acted , and , for my part I cannot hesitate both to support this resolution , and , if necessary , to vote against the second reading of the bill . ( Cheers ) . — Sir Sir John Pakington rose ( at eleven o ' clock ) , and made a very spirited reply . He complained of the course taken by Lord J . Russell in raising a debate upon an abstract resolution , instead of meeting the bill with a direct negative . He had taken some

      pains to ascertain from the highest authority , how far the noble lord ' s proceedings were consistent' with the usual practice of the House , and he had no hesitation in declaring that they -were irregular and unparliamentary . The right hon . baronet proceeded to comment upon the objections which had been made to the bill , saying— "We are told by the opposite side of the House that we ought to accept this resolution and to go on with the bill . The last time we heard this was on Friday evening last from the noble viscount , and I am sorry to say that that opinion was expressed by the noble viscount in ( I

      can speak of it in no other ternis ) a tone of arrogance ( loud cheers ) altogether unusual between gentlemen who sit opposite to each other in this House . ( Renewed cheers . ) In that tone the noble viscount presumed to tell us that we should take a course which , he must know perfectly well no gentlemen would condescend to take ( cheers ) , and he must know equally well that if it had been offered to hhnself in such . a tone , he would have rejected and spurned it with indignation . ( Loud cheers . ) The noble lord went on to say what I heard with the greatest astonishment and disapprobation . I refer

      to what he said as to the possibility of a dissolution of Parliament . ( Cheers . ) I could regard that parfe of his speech as being nothing less than an attack upon the prerogative of the Crown . ( Cheers . ) The noble viscount said , ' You shall not dissol ve Parliament . We , the House of Commons , will prevent you . " You cannot dissolve Parliament without the concurrence of the House of Commons , and that concurrence shall be refused . ' ( Cheers . ) I say that was language I should not have expected , to hear from a statesman of the noble viscount ' s long experience and standing . I can look upon than ¦ wanting

      support , considering it imperfect and one-sided .- — Colonel Smyth admitted that the bill was objectionable in some respects . As it might , however , be amended in committee , and was brought for ward by a Government which had deserved confidence , he should vote for the second reading . —Mr . J . Locke consented to adopt the amendment , though believing that it did not go half far enough . —Lord A . V . Tempest supported the bill . —Mr . M . Milnes remarked that the debate on the bill , as it proceeded , developed one satisfactory result , namely , that parties on all sides of the house were almost unanimously in favour of reform . He proceeded to set forth the principles on which , in his opinion , that reform should be based . The popular masses were , he believed , not very enthusiastic on the subject . There was , neverthelessa general demand for a more

      consider-, able extension of the franchise , with which he thought it at once just and expedient to comply . He intended to vote for the resolution , as accomplishing their object more satisfactorily than the bill brought in iby the Government . —Sir J . Graham said he wished not to see the day when it became necessary to reconsider the fundamental principles of the constitution . The measure of 1832 produced an immense change ; it had been called a bloodless revolution : it took power from the aristocracy arid gave it to the middle classes , its object being to blend property and numbers . Since that period we had enjoyed better legislation , more prosperity , arid less civil discord than at any other period of equal duration . Upon the whole , therefore , the experiment had been successful , and he had hoped that it would have been a final one . In this he had been dissapointed , and the

      object of all Reformers should be , when change was required , to prevent the necessity , if possible , of further alterations . In this bill three principles were contained—namely , identity of suffrage , electoral districts , and voting papers . It seemed as if the bill— -too clever by hah ?—had been framed so as to obtain support from every quarter of the House . Identity of suffrage was the key-stone of the . measure , with electoral districts arid voting papers as collateral arrangements . These , he maintained , bordered upon , and could with slight change be converted into the chief" points" of the democratic charter , equal electoral districts , manhood suffrage , and vote by ballot . j 3 ir J . Graham then explained the part he had taken efore the Lord

      in framing the . resolution b House . John Russell , who with himself were the only remaining members of that House who had served on the eomniittee which prepared the Reform Act of 1832 , had conferred with him respecting the present measure when first laid on the table . They both were prepared to vote against the second reading if a direct negative were required , but concurred in thinking that the capital defects of the bill could be set forth in a resolution of the means suggested for remedying them . This had been done ; the proposition lay before the legislature ; who would exercise their discretion in accepting or rejecting it ; but if accepted , the responsibility rested with the

      Government of modifying their measure in accordance with the principles so established , and which he thought would render the bill safe , sufficient , arid acceptable alike to the House and the country . The right honourable baronet then criticised in succession the different provisions of the ministerial measure , showing how inadequately they fulfilled the essential conditions of a real reform bill . The bill had been called by the Colonial Secretary a " middle class" bill , and it appeared to be supposed that the middle classes might in their selfishness support it . This expectation would , he believed , be disappointed , arid he was assured that the time had come for recognising the rights of the

      that language in no other light as in due respect to the Crown ( Opposition cries of ' Oh , oh ! ' ) arid as a violation of one of the most acknowledged prerogatives of the Crown . ( Clieers . ) Under what pretence , and for what reason , did the noble viscount use such expressions ? 1 beg to say that the Government have never threatened Parliament with a dissolution . ( Oh , oh !) I challengQ n contradiction of that statement . W e are not responsible for what is said out [ of doors . Wo hare not presumed to threaten Parliament in any way whatever . All that j wo havo said is this—that In the event of anv defeat in this House which should make lionom

      it impossible for us consistently with our own to proceed with the bill , it vfll be our duty , as it always is the duty of every Government in simimr circumstances , to tender to 'the Crown such advico as : we may think most consistent with our own dignity . " The right hori . baronet added that nunihters were ready hi committee to discuss any nnicnaments , but would not consent to bo fettered jyu preliminary resolution , proposed in an wnMnnJ « j > , and for a factious purpose . Sir J . 1 akington commented upon the recent deterioration in the din c oi and conduct of public men , observing- that for innny years all motives of public interest had been buho uinatcd to party intrigues , and that . too ninny instanceshud occurred , of which , ho canto ndoUho present discussion furnished an example , in winui advantage was taken of tho oircumstnncos oi « io hour to bring forward motions merely do , ff' ^ disconcert or eject the administration . ¦ {!»« , 'f « hon . baronet than adverted to the detain oi IM « measure , and added , " Theresolution oi ho m ikg I cannot help regarding ns characterised b > us vmj of unfairness ( l . w , hear ) , and I fool sanff Inc J respect to its rejection . ( Hoar , hear . ) . 1 iw '' •» of Commons is , I urn sure , dosiroun now tin * tin quostion of reform has been broached , that , IUnouu be settled . ( Hear , hoar . ) I l « oijo , thoroioro . l » n . »« - " bors will deal candidly with tho propomiI i m-lui , JJ to it , which the Govormno » it have inmo ' motion of tho noble lord I enn nttrlbuto onl > to persuasion upon hie part Unit ho durst not nuu

      industrial classes . Reverting to details , he obr > jected to the proposed voting papers , as presenting a near approximation "to tho ballot , a systom to which he still maintained his antagonism , though confessing that the demand for it was rapidly spreading among the public . To the lodger franchise ho also entertained serious objections , as comprehending a floating and irresponsible class of the population ; and if the minimum of rental was reduced , as had been suggested , to-4 s . per week , bringing about something very closely approximating to universal suffrage . passing on to future contingencies , the right hon . baronet declared- * - " If the Government do not think it consistent with their honour to take

      this resolution and proceed 'with the bill , and if they desire to appeal to tho country , advising tho Sovereign to exercise her prerogative for that purposo , I shall bo found most unwilling to take any factious course which might impoilo thorn in that proceeding 1 . ( Hoar , hoar . ) But I say this , that a day of heavy reckoning will come in the next Parliament , nnd within my memory no suoh responsibility was ovor incurred by any executive Government . ( Crioa of " Hear . '" ) Those considerations are theirs j our con .-sidevation is fearlessly and untimidly to do our duty in this House . ( Cheers , ) I should lia-vo thought ' that tho carrying of the resolution would havo boon regarded au a mil dor course than tho rejection of tho

      out of tho Whig " stud-book . "—Mr . Beaumont , Although a supporter of Lord Palmcrston , should , without . hesitation , but with rogrot , voto with the Government . Tho resolution was , in his opinion , an ingenious and well worded trap ; , it did not raise tho question of roforra sincerely , and upon this ground lie should voto against it . —Lord Elouo , nftor replying to some comments by Mi \ James upon tho lottor of Lord Grey , addressed to him Ctord ISloho ) , observed , that the Government had dona wrong in undertaking tho reform quoetlon at all , and found much to disapprove of in this bill , * Ho novortheloss rofnsed to support an Amendment which ho considered to bo so obyloualy prompted by merely factious motives . — Mv . Ei-wom objected to the" bill , wldch ho could not

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), April 2, 1859, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_02041859/page/4/